Bugarski, Ivan

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orcid::0000-0002-9410-8025
  • Bugarski, Ivan (13)
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Author's Bibliography

Integrating Geophysical and Photographic Data to Visualize the Quarried Structures of the Roman Town of Bassianae

Filzwieser, Roland; Ivanišević, Vujadin; Verhoeven, Geert J.; Gugl, Christian; Loecker, Klaus; Bugarski, Ivan; Schiel, Hannes; Wallner, Mario; Trinks, Immo; Trausmuth, Tanja; Hinterleitner, Alois; Marković, Nemanja; Docter, Roald; Daim, Falko; Neubauer, Wolfgang

(Mdpi, Basel, 2021)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Filzwieser, Roland
AU  - Ivanišević, Vujadin
AU  - Verhoeven, Geert J.
AU  - Gugl, Christian
AU  - Loecker, Klaus
AU  - Bugarski, Ivan
AU  - Schiel, Hannes
AU  - Wallner, Mario
AU  - Trinks, Immo
AU  - Trausmuth, Tanja
AU  - Hinterleitner, Alois
AU  - Marković, Nemanja
AU  - Docter, Roald
AU  - Daim, Falko
AU  - Neubauer, Wolfgang
PY  - 2021
UR  - http://rai.ai.ac.rs/handle/123456789/380
AB  - Large parts of the urban layout of the abandoned Roman town of Bassianae (in present-day Serbia) are still discernible on the surface today due to the deliberate and targeted quarrying of the Roman foundations. In 2014, all of the town's intramural (and some extramural) areas were surveyed using aerial photography, ground-penetrating radar, and magnetometry to analyze the site's topography and to map remaining buried structures. The surveys showed a strong agreement between the digital surface model derived from the aerial photographs and the geophysical prospection data. However, many structures could only be detected by one method, underlining the benefits of a complementary archaeological prospection approach using multiple methods. This article presents the results of the extensive surveys and their comprehensive integrative interpretation, discussing Bassianae's ground plan and urban infrastructure. Starting with an overview of this Roman town's research history, we present the details of the triple prospection approach, followed by the processing, integrative analysis, and interpretation of the acquired data sets. Finally, this newly gained information is contrasted with a plan of Roman Bassianae compiled in 1935.
PB  - Mdpi, Basel
T2  - Remote Sensing
T1  - Integrating Geophysical and Photographic Data to Visualize the Quarried Structures of the Roman Town of Bassianae
IS  - 12
VL  - 13
DO  - 10.3390/rs13122384
UR  - conv_333
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Filzwieser, Roland and Ivanišević, Vujadin and Verhoeven, Geert J. and Gugl, Christian and Loecker, Klaus and Bugarski, Ivan and Schiel, Hannes and Wallner, Mario and Trinks, Immo and Trausmuth, Tanja and Hinterleitner, Alois and Marković, Nemanja and Docter, Roald and Daim, Falko and Neubauer, Wolfgang",
year = "2021",
abstract = "Large parts of the urban layout of the abandoned Roman town of Bassianae (in present-day Serbia) are still discernible on the surface today due to the deliberate and targeted quarrying of the Roman foundations. In 2014, all of the town's intramural (and some extramural) areas were surveyed using aerial photography, ground-penetrating radar, and magnetometry to analyze the site's topography and to map remaining buried structures. The surveys showed a strong agreement between the digital surface model derived from the aerial photographs and the geophysical prospection data. However, many structures could only be detected by one method, underlining the benefits of a complementary archaeological prospection approach using multiple methods. This article presents the results of the extensive surveys and their comprehensive integrative interpretation, discussing Bassianae's ground plan and urban infrastructure. Starting with an overview of this Roman town's research history, we present the details of the triple prospection approach, followed by the processing, integrative analysis, and interpretation of the acquired data sets. Finally, this newly gained information is contrasted with a plan of Roman Bassianae compiled in 1935.",
publisher = "Mdpi, Basel",
journal = "Remote Sensing",
title = "Integrating Geophysical and Photographic Data to Visualize the Quarried Structures of the Roman Town of Bassianae",
number = "12",
volume = "13",
doi = "10.3390/rs13122384",
url = "conv_333"
}
Filzwieser, R., Ivanišević, V., Verhoeven, G. J., Gugl, C., Loecker, K., Bugarski, I., Schiel, H., Wallner, M., Trinks, I., Trausmuth, T., Hinterleitner, A., Marković, N., Docter, R., Daim, F.,& Neubauer, W.. (2021). Integrating Geophysical and Photographic Data to Visualize the Quarried Structures of the Roman Town of Bassianae. in Remote Sensing
Mdpi, Basel., 13(12).
https://doi.org/10.3390/rs13122384
conv_333
Filzwieser R, Ivanišević V, Verhoeven GJ, Gugl C, Loecker K, Bugarski I, Schiel H, Wallner M, Trinks I, Trausmuth T, Hinterleitner A, Marković N, Docter R, Daim F, Neubauer W. Integrating Geophysical and Photographic Data to Visualize the Quarried Structures of the Roman Town of Bassianae. in Remote Sensing. 2021;13(12).
doi:10.3390/rs13122384
conv_333 .
Filzwieser, Roland, Ivanišević, Vujadin, Verhoeven, Geert J., Gugl, Christian, Loecker, Klaus, Bugarski, Ivan, Schiel, Hannes, Wallner, Mario, Trinks, Immo, Trausmuth, Tanja, Hinterleitner, Alois, Marković, Nemanja, Docter, Roald, Daim, Falko, Neubauer, Wolfgang, "Integrating Geophysical and Photographic Data to Visualize the Quarried Structures of the Roman Town of Bassianae" in Remote Sensing, 13, no. 12 (2021),
https://doi.org/10.3390/rs13122384 .,
conv_333 .
3
3
1
3

On the Sixth-century Germanic Finds from the Central Balkan Hill-top Sites

Bugarski, Ivan

(High Anthropological School University, 2020)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Bugarski, Ivan
PY  - 2020
UR  - http://rai.ai.ac.rs/handle/123456789/351
AB  - The crisis of the Late Antiqity was reflected in a long-lasting process of the immigration, notably of Germanic groups, into the Empire. Even during Justinian's reign, protection of the weakened Balkan provinces had to rely on Germanic troops. The foederati were chiefly detached in Roman cities and forts along the Danube. The present article discusses a rather small sample of sixth-century Germanic artefacts from the poorly urbanised Central Balkan hinterlands. These finds have traditionally been ascribed to Gepid refugees after their 567 defeat by the Lombards and Avars; however, they could likewise be dated to the first half of the sixth century. Moreover, historical accounts do not provide a solid backing for such an interpretation. Spatial distribution of these finds points to a planned detachment of the Germanic mercenaries. While most of them were to defend the Danube border, some objects of Germanic origin have been found in a newly-built city of Justiniana Prima, a restored city of Justiniana Secunda, and in the regional centre of Gradina on the Jelica Mountain. Several other Germanic finds cluster in the Velika Morava valley. The mercenaries were an important and expensive resource; therefore the finds discussed here should not be attributed to the refugees, but rather seen as reflecting the Byzantine defence strategy. Assessing their ethnic affiliation seems premature, however.
PB  - High Anthropological School University
T2  - Stratum Plus
T1  - On the Sixth-century Germanic Finds from the Central Balkan Hill-top Sites
EP  - 98
IS  - 5
SP  - 91
UR  - conv_346
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Bugarski, Ivan",
year = "2020",
abstract = "The crisis of the Late Antiqity was reflected in a long-lasting process of the immigration, notably of Germanic groups, into the Empire. Even during Justinian's reign, protection of the weakened Balkan provinces had to rely on Germanic troops. The foederati were chiefly detached in Roman cities and forts along the Danube. The present article discusses a rather small sample of sixth-century Germanic artefacts from the poorly urbanised Central Balkan hinterlands. These finds have traditionally been ascribed to Gepid refugees after their 567 defeat by the Lombards and Avars; however, they could likewise be dated to the first half of the sixth century. Moreover, historical accounts do not provide a solid backing for such an interpretation. Spatial distribution of these finds points to a planned detachment of the Germanic mercenaries. While most of them were to defend the Danube border, some objects of Germanic origin have been found in a newly-built city of Justiniana Prima, a restored city of Justiniana Secunda, and in the regional centre of Gradina on the Jelica Mountain. Several other Germanic finds cluster in the Velika Morava valley. The mercenaries were an important and expensive resource; therefore the finds discussed here should not be attributed to the refugees, but rather seen as reflecting the Byzantine defence strategy. Assessing their ethnic affiliation seems premature, however.",
publisher = "High Anthropological School University",
journal = "Stratum Plus",
title = "On the Sixth-century Germanic Finds from the Central Balkan Hill-top Sites",
pages = "98-91",
number = "5",
url = "conv_346"
}
Bugarski, I.. (2020). On the Sixth-century Germanic Finds from the Central Balkan Hill-top Sites. in Stratum Plus
High Anthropological School University.(5), 91-98.
conv_346
Bugarski I. On the Sixth-century Germanic Finds from the Central Balkan Hill-top Sites. in Stratum Plus. 2020;(5):91-98.
conv_346 .
Bugarski, Ivan, "On the Sixth-century Germanic Finds from the Central Balkan Hill-top Sites" in Stratum Plus, no. 5 (2020):91-98,
conv_346 .

Post-antique settlement patterns in the central Balkans: Use of Justinianic landscape in the early middle ages

Ivanišević, Vujadin; Bugarski, Ivan

(Archaeopress, 2019)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Ivanišević, Vujadin
AU  - Bugarski, Ivan
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rai.ai.ac.rs/handle/123456789/327
AB  - The authors examine reoccupation and refortification of the Late Roman and Early Byzantine hinterland hilltop localities in the central Balkans in the 9th and 10th centuries. This process is studied in the best researched area of Ras and its neighbouring territories, stretching between the Lim River in the west and the Ibar in the east and south. The Early Medieval fortifications there reflect the population clustering and the renewal of old communication routes along the major river courses. All these forts were built in the locations of Late Roman/Early Byzantine fortifications by the main artery along the Pešter Plateau, or along the valleys of Raška and Ibar. The Late Antique fortifications situated far from the main roads and deeper into the mountains were left uninhabited in the Early Middle Ages. The refortification of this area and wider territories in the Balkan hinterlands was caused by the 9th-century Bulgarian expansion towards the west and the contemporaneous Serbian advance. One of the issues is to evaluate the model of fortification in the Early Middle Ages and its origins. In mountainous Balkan hinterlands, the geographical features of the terrain were considerably different from those in distant Slavic lands. In the central Balkans, Slavic military architecture drew from Late Roman and Early Byzantine experiences, modifying these patterns according to new needs, which resulted in the development of specific solutions.
PB  - Archaeopress
T2  - Mediterranean Landscapes in Post Antiquity: New frontiers and new perspectives
T1  - Post-antique settlement patterns in the central Balkans: Use of Justinianic landscape in the early middle ages
EP  - 17
SP  - 7
DO  - 10.2307/j.ctvndv6wx.5
UR  - conv_514
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Ivanišević, Vujadin and Bugarski, Ivan",
year = "2019",
abstract = "The authors examine reoccupation and refortification of the Late Roman and Early Byzantine hinterland hilltop localities in the central Balkans in the 9th and 10th centuries. This process is studied in the best researched area of Ras and its neighbouring territories, stretching between the Lim River in the west and the Ibar in the east and south. The Early Medieval fortifications there reflect the population clustering and the renewal of old communication routes along the major river courses. All these forts were built in the locations of Late Roman/Early Byzantine fortifications by the main artery along the Pešter Plateau, or along the valleys of Raška and Ibar. The Late Antique fortifications situated far from the main roads and deeper into the mountains were left uninhabited in the Early Middle Ages. The refortification of this area and wider territories in the Balkan hinterlands was caused by the 9th-century Bulgarian expansion towards the west and the contemporaneous Serbian advance. One of the issues is to evaluate the model of fortification in the Early Middle Ages and its origins. In mountainous Balkan hinterlands, the geographical features of the terrain were considerably different from those in distant Slavic lands. In the central Balkans, Slavic military architecture drew from Late Roman and Early Byzantine experiences, modifying these patterns according to new needs, which resulted in the development of specific solutions.",
publisher = "Archaeopress",
journal = "Mediterranean Landscapes in Post Antiquity: New frontiers and new perspectives",
booktitle = "Post-antique settlement patterns in the central Balkans: Use of Justinianic landscape in the early middle ages",
pages = "17-7",
doi = "10.2307/j.ctvndv6wx.5",
url = "conv_514"
}
Ivanišević, V.,& Bugarski, I.. (2019). Post-antique settlement patterns in the central Balkans: Use of Justinianic landscape in the early middle ages. in Mediterranean Landscapes in Post Antiquity: New frontiers and new perspectives
Archaeopress., 7-17.
https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvndv6wx.5
conv_514
Ivanišević V, Bugarski I. Post-antique settlement patterns in the central Balkans: Use of Justinianic landscape in the early middle ages. in Mediterranean Landscapes in Post Antiquity: New frontiers and new perspectives. 2019;:7-17.
doi:10.2307/j.ctvndv6wx.5
conv_514 .
Ivanišević, Vujadin, Bugarski, Ivan, "Post-antique settlement patterns in the central Balkans: Use of Justinianic landscape in the early middle ages" in Mediterranean Landscapes in Post Antiquity: New frontiers and new perspectives (2019):7-17,
https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvndv6wx.5 .,
conv_514 .

Spoljašnja utvrđenja caričinog grada - vizuelizacija i interpretacija digitalnih modela relje

Ivanišević, Vujadin; Bugarski, Ivan; Stamenković, Aleksandar

(Arheološki institut, Beograd, 2019)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Ivanišević, Vujadin
AU  - Bugarski, Ivan
AU  - Stamenković, Aleksandar
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rai.ai.ac.rs/handle/123456789/307
AB  - Istraživanja Caričinog grada otpočeta su pre više od jednog stoleća. Pažnja stručnjaka je, iz sasvim razumljivih razloga, pre svega bila usmerena na istraživanja grada, dok su okolna utvrđenja izazivala znatno manje pažnje (sl. 1, 2). Kad je reč o samim iskopavanjima, isto je i danas, ali je primena savremenih metoda arheološke prospekcije i detekcije sa zemlje i iz vazduha, naročito zastupljena u poslednjih desetak godina i praćena terenskom proverom dobijenih podataka, dovela i do važnih saznanja o okolini metropole Severnog Ilirika. U članku se komentarišu objavljena zapažanja prethodnih istraživača - Deroka, Radojčića, Nenadovića, Kondića i Popovića - u svetlu novih podataka. Lidarska snimanja širih zona nalazišta uvedena su u srpsku arheologiju početkom ove decenije, u sklopu učešća Arheološkog instituta u međunarodnom projektu ArchaeoLandscapes Europe. Među prvim skeniranim lokalitetima bio je upravo Caričin grad, sa odličnim rezultatima koje su pratile preliminarne publikacije. Zonom lidarskog snimanja od 12 km² iz 2011. godine, osim samog Caričinog grada, bio je obuhvaćen i deo trase akvedukta, ali i obližnje utvrde Sv. Ilija, Gornje gradište u Svinjarici i Kulište - Jezero. Godine 2015. izvršeno je snimanje prostora površine 4 km² oko utvrđenja u Sekicolu. Iako su i prethodno dobijeni laserski modeli reljefa bez vegetacije bili više nego dovoljni za plodotvornu analizu, u međuvremenu je omogućeno poboljšanje parametara snimanja, pa su ona iz 2015. godine beležila čak 40 tačaka po kvadratnom metru - dvostruko više nego skeniranje terena iz 2011. godine, uz više kontrolnih trajektorija i smanjenu brzinu i visinu leta (tabela 1). Rad na vizuelizaciji dobijenih trodimenzionalnih modela terena odvijao se uz korišćenje različitih tehnika - od standardnih, poput pravljenja dvodimenzionalnih toplotnih mapa pomoću alatke Heatmap u programu QGIS, interpolacije izohipsi (Contour Extraction) i senčenja (hill-shading), do rada u naprednim slobodno dostupnim softverima kao što su Relief Visualisation Toolbox (RVT) i RTIViewer. Funkcija Focal Statistics iz ArcGIS paketa prepoznaje delove terena sa izrazitim visinskim razlikama i pokazuje kontraste u boji, zbog čega se pokazala kao jedna od najuspešnijih u analizi konfiguracije terena, strukture i urbanizma Caričinog grada. Aplikacija ArcScene prikazuje trodimenzionalne digitalne modele iz različitih uglova, a njena alatka Vertical exaggeration of terrain takođe je veoma korisna za naglašavanje blagih promena u terenu. Proces digitalne vizuelizacije je samo korak u raščitavanju i interpretaciji dobijenih podataka, čemu je posvećen preostali deo teksta u kojem je pokazano kako je primena savremene tehnologije snimanja terena iz vazduha dopunila dosadašnja saznanja o fortifikacijama iz najbližeg okruženja Caričinog grada (sl. 4, 5, 7, 8). Utvrda na brdu Sv. Ilija je smeštena neposredno uz Caričin grad, nadzirući istočni prilaz gradu i branu njegovog akumulacionog jezera. Lokalitet je sondažno iskopavan 1976. godine u organizaciji Arheološkog instituta, kada su ustanovljena dva glavna horizonta (sl. 3). Na osnovu graditeljske tehnike (opus mixtum) i pokretnih nalaza, stariji horizont je pouzdano datovan u 6. vek i, verovatno, početak 7. veka, dok pozniji pripada srednjem i novom veku. Vizuelizacija digitalnog modela reljefa, računarskim putem oslobođenog postojeće vegetacije, donela je nove podatke o utvrđenju. Osnova ove trapezoidne fortifikacije sada može lako da se sagleda i premeri. Utvrđenje je zauzimalo 0,21 ha i imalo je ugaone kule, a u digitalnom modelu se uočava i ograda paralelna sa istočnim bedemom, možda palisada, koja je štitila najlakši istočni prilaz. Skretala je ka zapadu, paralelno sa severnim bedemom, dok se zapadno od utvrde uočava prostrana platforma koju oivičavaju dva podzida. Tokom georadarskih snimanja, koja je u proleće 2015. godine izvela ekipa Ludwig Boltzmann Institute for Archaeological Prospection and Virtual Archaeology iz Beča, u centralnom delu utvrđenja je otkrivena velika ranovizantijska bazilika (sl. 4). Utvrđenje Gornje gradište nalazi se u selu Svinjarici, na kilometar jugozapadno od Caričinog grada. Bilo je, a i ostalo je veoma uraslo u vegetaciju, tako da se zapažanja prethodnih istraživača uglavnom zaustavljaju na opisu četvorougaonog rova ispred utvrde i na njenom položaju na trasi akvedukta. Lidarskim snimkom je pak otkrivena šestougaona osnova fortifikacije, sastavljena od zidova dužine oko 30 m i 32 m, koja zauzima istu površinu kao i Sv. Ilija. Uz to, u digitalnom modelu, i u manjoj meri na samom terenu, uočavaju se obrisi dveju velikih građevina. Dok je jedna mogla da služi kao skladište, druga je bila crkva. Tokom obilaska lokaliteta uočili smo veliku količinu šuta od kamena, opeke i maltera. Utvrđenje je bilo opasano rovom i šančevima, što se naročito dobro vidi sa južne strane, gde je rov ukopan u stenu čiji su blokovi nakon vađenja bili ugrađivani u bedeme i, verovatno, druge objekte. Delovi severne trase bedema su, pak, teško oštećeni zemljoradnjom. Jugoistočna sekcija valuma je presečena prilaznim putem, a sa istog odsečka trasa akvedukta može lako da se prati u mikrotopografiji, sve do ugaone kule kroz koju je voda ulazila u Caričin grad. Posebna odlika Gornjeg gradišta jesu masivni zemljani "bastioni" severno i, čini se, zapadno od utvrde (sl. 5). Kulište - Jezero zauzima vrh blagog uspona na kilometar severoistočno od Caričinog grada. Sudeći po površinskim nalazima opeke i kamena, to veoma malo utvrđenje, prečnika oko 18 m, koje je u digitalnom modelu reljefa naznačeno rovovima od vađenja građe, bilo je sazidano u tehnici opus mixtum. Imalo je funkciju osmatračnice, koja je ostala sačuvana i u jednom toponimu, dok drugi naziv upućuje na vodu koja se zadržavala u plitkim depresijama nastalim vađenjem stene za izgradnju bedema, od kojih je najveća četvorougaonog oblika, površine 32 m h 16 m i dubine oko pola metra (sl. 7). Gradište u Sekicolu je podignuto na vrhu i strmim padinama brda nad Caričinskom rekom, oko 3 km severno od Caričinog grada. Utvrđenje se dosta razlikuje od prethodno opisanih. Možda potiče iz 4. veka, da bi u 6. stoleću, u doba izgradnje Justinijane Prime bilo uvećano dogradnjom dvaju spoljnih bedema. Najviša utvrda je trougaone osnove, a na terenu nije potvrđeno da je bila sazidana uz korišćenje opeke i maltera. Njena površina iznosi 0,64 ha. Prethodni istraživači su u istočnom delu te celine zabeležili crkvu, koja se naročito jasno ocrtava u digitalnom modelu, veću građevinu uz njen jugoistočni bedem, kao i slabe obrise drugih zgrada. Naša analiza je dovela do otkrića dva niza zgrada uz bedeme i brojnih građevina između njih. Po lepezastom rasporedu zgrada, posedanje ove utvrde podseća na naselje na severnom platou Caričinog grada. Srednji prsten je skoro dvostruko veći, dok je donja utvrda, pridodata na severoistočnoj strani, iste površine kao i najviša. U njenom jugoistočnom kraju nalazi se pravougaona građevina dimenzija 32 m h 16 m - možda cisterna. Ukupna površina Gradišta u Sekicolu je 2,5 ha. Ispred donjeg utvrđenja nalazi se rov, koji se u pojedinim partijama vidi samo u digitalnom modelu, dok je na terenu neprepoznatljiv (sl. 8). Sa svojim spoljnim prstenom utvrda, Caričin grad se razlikuje od drugih utvrđenja u Iliriku. Velika građevinska aktivnost u ruralnom zaleđu Sredozemne Dakije nije bila ograničena na podizanje nove metropole, već je podrazumevala i izgradnju infrastrukturnih postrojenja kao što su akvedukt i brana. Četiri ispitana utvrđenja predstavljala su deo jedinstvenog graditeljskog programa Justinijane Prime, o čemu svedoči i primenjena tehnika zidanja sa opekama i malterom. U istorijskim izvorima nema puno podataka o manjim utvrdama pokraj gradova. Veća utvrđenja, frurioni poput Gradišta u Sekicolu i Rujkovca/Radinovca, mogli su da u slučaju opasnosti prihvate trupe koje bi iz njih napadale neprijateljsku pozadinu i opsadne sprave. U to vreme, vojnici su često stanovali sa svojim porodicama. Ostala tri utvrđenja imala su različite funkcije. Kulište - Jezero bila je dobro postavljena osmatračnica, kakve su uobičajene u rimskom vojnom graditeljstvu, koja je imala vizuelnu komunikaciju sa Caričinim gradom, Sv. Ilijom i svinjaričkim Gradištem, ali ne i s većim utvrdama u Sekicolu i Rujkovcu/Radinovcu. Utvrđenja na Sv. Iliji i u Svinjarici su, poput refugijuma, mogla da zbrinu živalj u teškim vremenima. Ipak, Sv. Ilija je izvorno imao drugu namenu. Velika bazilika otkrivena prilikom georadarskih snimanja zauzimala je čak četvrtinu utvrde, a postojanje zgrada uz bedeme snaži pretpostavku da je reč o utvrđenom manastiru. Pored toga, u svom opisu Justinijane Prime Prokopije navodi da je car ovaj grad podigao pored svog rodnog sela koje je obzidao i od njega načinio kvadriburgijum, očigledno kao deo jedinstvenog graditeljskog programa. Poznati su još neki utvrđeni manastiri koji su podignuti za vlade cara Justinijana, od kojih je Sv. Iliji najsličniji onaj u Justinijani Sekundi, dotadašnjoj Ulpijani. Na to da Sv. Ilija nije predstavljao klasično vojno utvrđenje upućuje i naša analiza vidljivosti, koja pokazuje da je pogled sa te tačke veoma ograničen. Prema istoj analizi, Gornje gradište u Svinjarici je nadziralo sela i radionice u okolini grada, kao i akvedukt (sl. 11). Detaljno razrađen odbrambeni sistem Justinijane Prime sastojao se od nekoliko prstenova gradskih utvrda sa najmanje 40 kula, rovova, palisada i spoljašnjeg prstena fortifikacija, koji je obuhvatao, pre svega, ovde komentarisana utvrđenja. Odbrambena postrojenja novoustanovljene metropole i način na koji su se ona prilagodila topografiji predstavljaju izuzetan primer ranovizantijskog vojnog graditeljstva. Buduća istraživanja bi sigurno obezbedila pouzdanije podatke o njihovoj hronologiji i funkciji i tako nadogradila izuzetne rezultate lidarskih i geofizičkih snimanja, što bi doprinelo i jasnijem sagledavanju samog Caričinog grada.
AB  - The erection of a new polis, Justiniana Prima, on the site of Caričin Grad, was part of a larger engineering project in a rural hilly setting of the western areas of Dacia Mediterranea, which had also included the construction of nearby fortlets. The article presents LiDAR data which has provided new information related to their ground-plan and dimensions. Located in a 12 km² area around the metropolis, St Elias, Kulište-Jezero and Gornje Gradište in Svinjarica were LiDAR scanned in 2011, while the Sekicol fort, with its 4 km²surroundings, was subjected to the same technology in 2015. Our analysis of the outer fortifications of Justiniana Prima is based on a visualisation of the obtained digital terrain models and field observations; in the case of the St Elias fort, we also used the results of the 1976 excavations. These fortlets had manifold functions. On the one hand, they overlooked the approaches to the city and its infrastructure - Kulište-Jezero was a watchtower - and on the other, they also served as shelters for the local population - refugia. In the middle of the St Elias fort there was a large three-nave church; this may well have been a fortified monastery. Future research of these forts should provide more detailed information on their chronology and function, complement the outstanding results of the LiDAR and geophysical surveys, and contribute to a better understanding of Justiniana Prima itself.
PB  - Arheološki institut, Beograd
T2  - Starinar
T1  - Spoljašnja utvrđenja caričinog grada - vizuelizacija i interpretacija digitalnih modela relje
T1  - The outer forts of Caričin grad: Visualisation of digital terrain models and interpretation
EP  - 317
IS  - 69
SP  - 297
DO  - 10.2298/STa1969297i
UR  - conv_123
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Ivanišević, Vujadin and Bugarski, Ivan and Stamenković, Aleksandar",
year = "2019",
abstract = "Istraživanja Caričinog grada otpočeta su pre više od jednog stoleća. Pažnja stručnjaka je, iz sasvim razumljivih razloga, pre svega bila usmerena na istraživanja grada, dok su okolna utvrđenja izazivala znatno manje pažnje (sl. 1, 2). Kad je reč o samim iskopavanjima, isto je i danas, ali je primena savremenih metoda arheološke prospekcije i detekcije sa zemlje i iz vazduha, naročito zastupljena u poslednjih desetak godina i praćena terenskom proverom dobijenih podataka, dovela i do važnih saznanja o okolini metropole Severnog Ilirika. U članku se komentarišu objavljena zapažanja prethodnih istraživača - Deroka, Radojčića, Nenadovića, Kondića i Popovića - u svetlu novih podataka. Lidarska snimanja širih zona nalazišta uvedena su u srpsku arheologiju početkom ove decenije, u sklopu učešća Arheološkog instituta u međunarodnom projektu ArchaeoLandscapes Europe. Među prvim skeniranim lokalitetima bio je upravo Caričin grad, sa odličnim rezultatima koje su pratile preliminarne publikacije. Zonom lidarskog snimanja od 12 km² iz 2011. godine, osim samog Caričinog grada, bio je obuhvaćen i deo trase akvedukta, ali i obližnje utvrde Sv. Ilija, Gornje gradište u Svinjarici i Kulište - Jezero. Godine 2015. izvršeno je snimanje prostora površine 4 km² oko utvrđenja u Sekicolu. Iako su i prethodno dobijeni laserski modeli reljefa bez vegetacije bili više nego dovoljni za plodotvornu analizu, u međuvremenu je omogućeno poboljšanje parametara snimanja, pa su ona iz 2015. godine beležila čak 40 tačaka po kvadratnom metru - dvostruko više nego skeniranje terena iz 2011. godine, uz više kontrolnih trajektorija i smanjenu brzinu i visinu leta (tabela 1). Rad na vizuelizaciji dobijenih trodimenzionalnih modela terena odvijao se uz korišćenje različitih tehnika - od standardnih, poput pravljenja dvodimenzionalnih toplotnih mapa pomoću alatke Heatmap u programu QGIS, interpolacije izohipsi (Contour Extraction) i senčenja (hill-shading), do rada u naprednim slobodno dostupnim softverima kao što su Relief Visualisation Toolbox (RVT) i RTIViewer. Funkcija Focal Statistics iz ArcGIS paketa prepoznaje delove terena sa izrazitim visinskim razlikama i pokazuje kontraste u boji, zbog čega se pokazala kao jedna od najuspešnijih u analizi konfiguracije terena, strukture i urbanizma Caričinog grada. Aplikacija ArcScene prikazuje trodimenzionalne digitalne modele iz različitih uglova, a njena alatka Vertical exaggeration of terrain takođe je veoma korisna za naglašavanje blagih promena u terenu. Proces digitalne vizuelizacije je samo korak u raščitavanju i interpretaciji dobijenih podataka, čemu je posvećen preostali deo teksta u kojem je pokazano kako je primena savremene tehnologije snimanja terena iz vazduha dopunila dosadašnja saznanja o fortifikacijama iz najbližeg okruženja Caričinog grada (sl. 4, 5, 7, 8). Utvrda na brdu Sv. Ilija je smeštena neposredno uz Caričin grad, nadzirući istočni prilaz gradu i branu njegovog akumulacionog jezera. Lokalitet je sondažno iskopavan 1976. godine u organizaciji Arheološkog instituta, kada su ustanovljena dva glavna horizonta (sl. 3). Na osnovu graditeljske tehnike (opus mixtum) i pokretnih nalaza, stariji horizont je pouzdano datovan u 6. vek i, verovatno, početak 7. veka, dok pozniji pripada srednjem i novom veku. Vizuelizacija digitalnog modela reljefa, računarskim putem oslobođenog postojeće vegetacije, donela je nove podatke o utvrđenju. Osnova ove trapezoidne fortifikacije sada može lako da se sagleda i premeri. Utvrđenje je zauzimalo 0,21 ha i imalo je ugaone kule, a u digitalnom modelu se uočava i ograda paralelna sa istočnim bedemom, možda palisada, koja je štitila najlakši istočni prilaz. Skretala je ka zapadu, paralelno sa severnim bedemom, dok se zapadno od utvrde uočava prostrana platforma koju oivičavaju dva podzida. Tokom georadarskih snimanja, koja je u proleće 2015. godine izvela ekipa Ludwig Boltzmann Institute for Archaeological Prospection and Virtual Archaeology iz Beča, u centralnom delu utvrđenja je otkrivena velika ranovizantijska bazilika (sl. 4). Utvrđenje Gornje gradište nalazi se u selu Svinjarici, na kilometar jugozapadno od Caričinog grada. Bilo je, a i ostalo je veoma uraslo u vegetaciju, tako da se zapažanja prethodnih istraživača uglavnom zaustavljaju na opisu četvorougaonog rova ispred utvrde i na njenom položaju na trasi akvedukta. Lidarskim snimkom je pak otkrivena šestougaona osnova fortifikacije, sastavljena od zidova dužine oko 30 m i 32 m, koja zauzima istu površinu kao i Sv. Ilija. Uz to, u digitalnom modelu, i u manjoj meri na samom terenu, uočavaju se obrisi dveju velikih građevina. Dok je jedna mogla da služi kao skladište, druga je bila crkva. Tokom obilaska lokaliteta uočili smo veliku količinu šuta od kamena, opeke i maltera. Utvrđenje je bilo opasano rovom i šančevima, što se naročito dobro vidi sa južne strane, gde je rov ukopan u stenu čiji su blokovi nakon vađenja bili ugrađivani u bedeme i, verovatno, druge objekte. Delovi severne trase bedema su, pak, teško oštećeni zemljoradnjom. Jugoistočna sekcija valuma je presečena prilaznim putem, a sa istog odsečka trasa akvedukta može lako da se prati u mikrotopografiji, sve do ugaone kule kroz koju je voda ulazila u Caričin grad. Posebna odlika Gornjeg gradišta jesu masivni zemljani "bastioni" severno i, čini se, zapadno od utvrde (sl. 5). Kulište - Jezero zauzima vrh blagog uspona na kilometar severoistočno od Caričinog grada. Sudeći po površinskim nalazima opeke i kamena, to veoma malo utvrđenje, prečnika oko 18 m, koje je u digitalnom modelu reljefa naznačeno rovovima od vađenja građe, bilo je sazidano u tehnici opus mixtum. Imalo je funkciju osmatračnice, koja je ostala sačuvana i u jednom toponimu, dok drugi naziv upućuje na vodu koja se zadržavala u plitkim depresijama nastalim vađenjem stene za izgradnju bedema, od kojih je najveća četvorougaonog oblika, površine 32 m h 16 m i dubine oko pola metra (sl. 7). Gradište u Sekicolu je podignuto na vrhu i strmim padinama brda nad Caričinskom rekom, oko 3 km severno od Caričinog grada. Utvrđenje se dosta razlikuje od prethodno opisanih. Možda potiče iz 4. veka, da bi u 6. stoleću, u doba izgradnje Justinijane Prime bilo uvećano dogradnjom dvaju spoljnih bedema. Najviša utvrda je trougaone osnove, a na terenu nije potvrđeno da je bila sazidana uz korišćenje opeke i maltera. Njena površina iznosi 0,64 ha. Prethodni istraživači su u istočnom delu te celine zabeležili crkvu, koja se naročito jasno ocrtava u digitalnom modelu, veću građevinu uz njen jugoistočni bedem, kao i slabe obrise drugih zgrada. Naša analiza je dovela do otkrića dva niza zgrada uz bedeme i brojnih građevina između njih. Po lepezastom rasporedu zgrada, posedanje ove utvrde podseća na naselje na severnom platou Caričinog grada. Srednji prsten je skoro dvostruko veći, dok je donja utvrda, pridodata na severoistočnoj strani, iste površine kao i najviša. U njenom jugoistočnom kraju nalazi se pravougaona građevina dimenzija 32 m h 16 m - možda cisterna. Ukupna površina Gradišta u Sekicolu je 2,5 ha. Ispred donjeg utvrđenja nalazi se rov, koji se u pojedinim partijama vidi samo u digitalnom modelu, dok je na terenu neprepoznatljiv (sl. 8). Sa svojim spoljnim prstenom utvrda, Caričin grad se razlikuje od drugih utvrđenja u Iliriku. Velika građevinska aktivnost u ruralnom zaleđu Sredozemne Dakije nije bila ograničena na podizanje nove metropole, već je podrazumevala i izgradnju infrastrukturnih postrojenja kao što su akvedukt i brana. Četiri ispitana utvrđenja predstavljala su deo jedinstvenog graditeljskog programa Justinijane Prime, o čemu svedoči i primenjena tehnika zidanja sa opekama i malterom. U istorijskim izvorima nema puno podataka o manjim utvrdama pokraj gradova. Veća utvrđenja, frurioni poput Gradišta u Sekicolu i Rujkovca/Radinovca, mogli su da u slučaju opasnosti prihvate trupe koje bi iz njih napadale neprijateljsku pozadinu i opsadne sprave. U to vreme, vojnici su često stanovali sa svojim porodicama. Ostala tri utvrđenja imala su različite funkcije. Kulište - Jezero bila je dobro postavljena osmatračnica, kakve su uobičajene u rimskom vojnom graditeljstvu, koja je imala vizuelnu komunikaciju sa Caričinim gradom, Sv. Ilijom i svinjaričkim Gradištem, ali ne i s većim utvrdama u Sekicolu i Rujkovcu/Radinovcu. Utvrđenja na Sv. Iliji i u Svinjarici su, poput refugijuma, mogla da zbrinu živalj u teškim vremenima. Ipak, Sv. Ilija je izvorno imao drugu namenu. Velika bazilika otkrivena prilikom georadarskih snimanja zauzimala je čak četvrtinu utvrde, a postojanje zgrada uz bedeme snaži pretpostavku da je reč o utvrđenom manastiru. Pored toga, u svom opisu Justinijane Prime Prokopije navodi da je car ovaj grad podigao pored svog rodnog sela koje je obzidao i od njega načinio kvadriburgijum, očigledno kao deo jedinstvenog graditeljskog programa. Poznati su još neki utvrđeni manastiri koji su podignuti za vlade cara Justinijana, od kojih je Sv. Iliji najsličniji onaj u Justinijani Sekundi, dotadašnjoj Ulpijani. Na to da Sv. Ilija nije predstavljao klasično vojno utvrđenje upućuje i naša analiza vidljivosti, koja pokazuje da je pogled sa te tačke veoma ograničen. Prema istoj analizi, Gornje gradište u Svinjarici je nadziralo sela i radionice u okolini grada, kao i akvedukt (sl. 11). Detaljno razrađen odbrambeni sistem Justinijane Prime sastojao se od nekoliko prstenova gradskih utvrda sa najmanje 40 kula, rovova, palisada i spoljašnjeg prstena fortifikacija, koji je obuhvatao, pre svega, ovde komentarisana utvrđenja. Odbrambena postrojenja novoustanovljene metropole i način na koji su se ona prilagodila topografiji predstavljaju izuzetan primer ranovizantijskog vojnog graditeljstva. Buduća istraživanja bi sigurno obezbedila pouzdanije podatke o njihovoj hronologiji i funkciji i tako nadogradila izuzetne rezultate lidarskih i geofizičkih snimanja, što bi doprinelo i jasnijem sagledavanju samog Caričinog grada., The erection of a new polis, Justiniana Prima, on the site of Caričin Grad, was part of a larger engineering project in a rural hilly setting of the western areas of Dacia Mediterranea, which had also included the construction of nearby fortlets. The article presents LiDAR data which has provided new information related to their ground-plan and dimensions. Located in a 12 km² area around the metropolis, St Elias, Kulište-Jezero and Gornje Gradište in Svinjarica were LiDAR scanned in 2011, while the Sekicol fort, with its 4 km²surroundings, was subjected to the same technology in 2015. Our analysis of the outer fortifications of Justiniana Prima is based on a visualisation of the obtained digital terrain models and field observations; in the case of the St Elias fort, we also used the results of the 1976 excavations. These fortlets had manifold functions. On the one hand, they overlooked the approaches to the city and its infrastructure - Kulište-Jezero was a watchtower - and on the other, they also served as shelters for the local population - refugia. In the middle of the St Elias fort there was a large three-nave church; this may well have been a fortified monastery. Future research of these forts should provide more detailed information on their chronology and function, complement the outstanding results of the LiDAR and geophysical surveys, and contribute to a better understanding of Justiniana Prima itself.",
publisher = "Arheološki institut, Beograd",
journal = "Starinar",
title = "Spoljašnja utvrđenja caričinog grada - vizuelizacija i interpretacija digitalnih modela relje, The outer forts of Caričin grad: Visualisation of digital terrain models and interpretation",
pages = "317-297",
number = "69",
doi = "10.2298/STa1969297i",
url = "conv_123"
}
Ivanišević, V., Bugarski, I.,& Stamenković, A.. (2019). Spoljašnja utvrđenja caričinog grada - vizuelizacija i interpretacija digitalnih modela relje. in Starinar
Arheološki institut, Beograd.(69), 297-317.
https://doi.org/10.2298/STa1969297i
conv_123
Ivanišević V, Bugarski I, Stamenković A. Spoljašnja utvrđenja caričinog grada - vizuelizacija i interpretacija digitalnih modela relje. in Starinar. 2019;(69):297-317.
doi:10.2298/STa1969297i
conv_123 .
Ivanišević, Vujadin, Bugarski, Ivan, Stamenković, Aleksandar, "Spoljašnja utvrđenja caričinog grada - vizuelizacija i interpretacija digitalnih modela relje" in Starinar, no. 69 (2019):297-317,
https://doi.org/10.2298/STa1969297i .,
conv_123 .

Primena istorijsko-arheološkog geografskog informacionog sistema u istraživanjima Caričinog grada i okoline

Ivanišević, Vujadin; Bugarski, Ivan; Stamenković, Aleksandar

(Zavod za zaštitu spomenika kulture Srbije, Beograd, 2018)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Ivanišević, Vujadin
AU  - Bugarski, Ivan
AU  - Stamenković, Aleksandar
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://rai.ai.ac.rs/handle/123456789/275
AB  - U radu se opisuje struktura istorijsko-arheološkog geografskog informacionog sistema u koji se pohranjuju podaci sa istraživanja Caričinog grada i njegove šire okoline. IAGIS Caričinog grada sadrži veoma brojne podatke, koji potiču sa starih i novih istraživanja, pri čemu se stari podaci -aero-fotografije, situacioni planovi, osnove istraženih objekata i prostorni raspored pokretnih arheoloških nalazaprevode u jedinstveni koordinatni sistem i tako postaju podložni raznovrsnim analizama u kreiranom geografskom prostoru baze. Analize omogućavaju kako izradu novih i znatno potpunijih situacionih planova lokaliteta, tako i uže određenje njegovih hronoloških faza. Na širem planu, rad u našoj bazi pospešuje analize naseljavanja i korišćenja prostora Leskovačke kotline ne samo u vreme života Justinijane Prime već i u prethodnim i kasnijim epohama. Osim opisa građe koja je uključena u bazu i sažeto predstavljenih rezultata dela dosadašnjih analiza, u članku se nagoveštavaju i osnovni pravci budućeg razvoja IAGIS-a Caričinog grada.
AB  - The syntagms Historical Geographic Information System (historical GIS, HGIS) and Archaeological Geographic Information System (archaeological GIS, AGIS) denote specific GIS databases on historical landscapes, events and changes, and on archaeological monuments and sites. Within their environment, data can be arranged, integrated and displayed in new, significantly faster and easier ways than the traditional ones. Because of the possibility of cross-referencing data of different nature, these databases do not constitute mere clusters of separate types of information, but a rather suitable tool for carrying out different analyses. The database developed within the scope of the Caričin Grad Project was set up in 2011 on the basis of the materials collected and digitalised over a longer period of time. Depending on the course of research, the interests of the scholars involved and the topics of several international inter-disciplinary projects, it contains both broader historical and more narrowly relevant archaeological data. Along with the abundant cartographic materials, in order to understand the diachronic settlement processes in the wider region of the Leskovac basin, our database maps prehistoric, Roman and medieval sites; these last ones on the basis of both archaeological finds and written sources. The other components of the Caričin Grad database mostly are usually of a strictly archaeological character. Still, primarily because of the detailed mapping and the systematic application of modern sensing and detection methods - mainly the LIDAR and geophysical surveys - an increasingly clearer picture is emerging of the historical landscape of the 6th century and the surroundings of Justiniana Prima. Therefore, our database may be considered an extended AGIS database, that is, the HAGIS database. It is noteworthy that the syntagm historical-archaeological geographic information system(s) is actually rather new. As far as we know, it has been mentioned in this form only in the context of mapping heterogeneous sources, written and archaeological, within the scope of a Russian GIS database. Our integrated historical-archaeological geographic information system has been established to store all available materials, from the first records of the site to contemporary satellite images. The basic task was to create a complex database of maps, satellite and LIDAR images, digital terrain models, aerial photographs, orthophotographs, geophysical and archaeological plans, field sketches, theodolite and GPS measurements from the excavations and field surveys, etc., and their translation into a unique coordinate system. The HAGIS for Caričin Grad has been designed within a QGIS platform. To successfully use the databases in the GIS, they must be precisely oriented and therefore one of the most important steps is to translate the data into a single coordinate system and projection. In our case, we have adopted a new reference system ETRS89 and the UTM projection. By combining the data in the geographic information system and using different tools within the software packages it is possible to carry out numerous spatial and statistical analyses. The application of these systems has enabled visualisation, analysis and interpretation both of the ground plan of Caričin Grad and its broader environs, and of small archaeological finds. The GIS tools allow us to carry out complex statistical analyses, as well as simple visual presentations of the distribution maps. On the basis of the data, to which we have ascribed certain attributes, it is possible to monitor changes in the landscape, population movements, their relation with the environment and to track anthropogenic changes in different periods. We have focused part of our explorations of Caričin Grad and its broader environs on recognising and studying settlement patterns and on creating settlement models for different periods. With the data at our disposal, it is possible to recognise settlement patterns within the GIS, their location and spatial logic, distribution models, as well as the features of individual sites. Along with this, it is possible to reconstruct the social-economic connections, similarities and differences in particular micro-regions, and to create threedimensional models which improve visualisation and presentation of all materials. Through further processing, our HAGIS database will fully develop into a spatial-temporal, 4D GIS database.
PB  - Zavod za zaštitu spomenika kulture Srbije, Beograd
T2  - Saopštenja, Republički zavod za zaštitu spomenika kulture
T1  - Primena istorijsko-arheološkog geografskog informacionog sistema u istraživanjima Caričinog grada i okoline
T1  - Application of historical-archaeological geographic information system in the research of Caričin grad and its environs
EP  - 279
IS  - 50
SP  - 259
UR  - conv_278
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Ivanišević, Vujadin and Bugarski, Ivan and Stamenković, Aleksandar",
year = "2018",
abstract = "U radu se opisuje struktura istorijsko-arheološkog geografskog informacionog sistema u koji se pohranjuju podaci sa istraživanja Caričinog grada i njegove šire okoline. IAGIS Caričinog grada sadrži veoma brojne podatke, koji potiču sa starih i novih istraživanja, pri čemu se stari podaci -aero-fotografije, situacioni planovi, osnove istraženih objekata i prostorni raspored pokretnih arheoloških nalazaprevode u jedinstveni koordinatni sistem i tako postaju podložni raznovrsnim analizama u kreiranom geografskom prostoru baze. Analize omogućavaju kako izradu novih i znatno potpunijih situacionih planova lokaliteta, tako i uže određenje njegovih hronoloških faza. Na širem planu, rad u našoj bazi pospešuje analize naseljavanja i korišćenja prostora Leskovačke kotline ne samo u vreme života Justinijane Prime već i u prethodnim i kasnijim epohama. Osim opisa građe koja je uključena u bazu i sažeto predstavljenih rezultata dela dosadašnjih analiza, u članku se nagoveštavaju i osnovni pravci budućeg razvoja IAGIS-a Caričinog grada., The syntagms Historical Geographic Information System (historical GIS, HGIS) and Archaeological Geographic Information System (archaeological GIS, AGIS) denote specific GIS databases on historical landscapes, events and changes, and on archaeological monuments and sites. Within their environment, data can be arranged, integrated and displayed in new, significantly faster and easier ways than the traditional ones. Because of the possibility of cross-referencing data of different nature, these databases do not constitute mere clusters of separate types of information, but a rather suitable tool for carrying out different analyses. The database developed within the scope of the Caričin Grad Project was set up in 2011 on the basis of the materials collected and digitalised over a longer period of time. Depending on the course of research, the interests of the scholars involved and the topics of several international inter-disciplinary projects, it contains both broader historical and more narrowly relevant archaeological data. Along with the abundant cartographic materials, in order to understand the diachronic settlement processes in the wider region of the Leskovac basin, our database maps prehistoric, Roman and medieval sites; these last ones on the basis of both archaeological finds and written sources. The other components of the Caričin Grad database mostly are usually of a strictly archaeological character. Still, primarily because of the detailed mapping and the systematic application of modern sensing and detection methods - mainly the LIDAR and geophysical surveys - an increasingly clearer picture is emerging of the historical landscape of the 6th century and the surroundings of Justiniana Prima. Therefore, our database may be considered an extended AGIS database, that is, the HAGIS database. It is noteworthy that the syntagm historical-archaeological geographic information system(s) is actually rather new. As far as we know, it has been mentioned in this form only in the context of mapping heterogeneous sources, written and archaeological, within the scope of a Russian GIS database. Our integrated historical-archaeological geographic information system has been established to store all available materials, from the first records of the site to contemporary satellite images. The basic task was to create a complex database of maps, satellite and LIDAR images, digital terrain models, aerial photographs, orthophotographs, geophysical and archaeological plans, field sketches, theodolite and GPS measurements from the excavations and field surveys, etc., and their translation into a unique coordinate system. The HAGIS for Caričin Grad has been designed within a QGIS platform. To successfully use the databases in the GIS, they must be precisely oriented and therefore one of the most important steps is to translate the data into a single coordinate system and projection. In our case, we have adopted a new reference system ETRS89 and the UTM projection. By combining the data in the geographic information system and using different tools within the software packages it is possible to carry out numerous spatial and statistical analyses. The application of these systems has enabled visualisation, analysis and interpretation both of the ground plan of Caričin Grad and its broader environs, and of small archaeological finds. The GIS tools allow us to carry out complex statistical analyses, as well as simple visual presentations of the distribution maps. On the basis of the data, to which we have ascribed certain attributes, it is possible to monitor changes in the landscape, population movements, their relation with the environment and to track anthropogenic changes in different periods. We have focused part of our explorations of Caričin Grad and its broader environs on recognising and studying settlement patterns and on creating settlement models for different periods. With the data at our disposal, it is possible to recognise settlement patterns within the GIS, their location and spatial logic, distribution models, as well as the features of individual sites. Along with this, it is possible to reconstruct the social-economic connections, similarities and differences in particular micro-regions, and to create threedimensional models which improve visualisation and presentation of all materials. Through further processing, our HAGIS database will fully develop into a spatial-temporal, 4D GIS database.",
publisher = "Zavod za zaštitu spomenika kulture Srbije, Beograd",
journal = "Saopštenja, Republički zavod za zaštitu spomenika kulture",
title = "Primena istorijsko-arheološkog geografskog informacionog sistema u istraživanjima Caričinog grada i okoline, Application of historical-archaeological geographic information system in the research of Caričin grad and its environs",
pages = "279-259",
number = "50",
url = "conv_278"
}
Ivanišević, V., Bugarski, I.,& Stamenković, A.. (2018). Primena istorijsko-arheološkog geografskog informacionog sistema u istraživanjima Caričinog grada i okoline. in Saopštenja, Republički zavod za zaštitu spomenika kulture
Zavod za zaštitu spomenika kulture Srbije, Beograd.(50), 259-279.
conv_278
Ivanišević V, Bugarski I, Stamenković A. Primena istorijsko-arheološkog geografskog informacionog sistema u istraživanjima Caričinog grada i okoline. in Saopštenja, Republički zavod za zaštitu spomenika kulture. 2018;(50):259-279.
conv_278 .
Ivanišević, Vujadin, Bugarski, Ivan, Stamenković, Aleksandar, "Primena istorijsko-arheološkog geografskog informacionog sistema u istraživanjima Caričinog grada i okoline" in Saopštenja, Republički zavod za zaštitu spomenika kulture, no. 50 (2018):259-279,
conv_278 .

New insights into urban planning of Caričin Grad: The application of modern sensing and detection methods

Ivanišević, Vujadin; Bugarski, Ivan; Stamenković, Aleksandar

(Arheološki institut, Beograd, 2016)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Ivanišević, Vujadin
AU  - Bugarski, Ivan
AU  - Stamenković, Aleksandar
PY  - 2016
UR  - http://rai.ai.ac.rs/handle/123456789/248
AB  - Caričin Grad, Justiniana Prima, urban planning, fortification, settlement,
   aerial photography, geophysical surveys, LiDAR, photogrammetry, excavations,
   GIS. Thanks to the application of modern non-destructive sensing and
   detection methods, in recent years a series of new data on urban planning in
   Caričin Grad was obtained. For the most part, the current research programme
   studies the Upper Town’s northern plateau, wooded until recently and hence
   the only previously unexplored unit of the city. In the course of this
   programme, the classical research method - the excavations started in 2009 -
   is for the first time combined with the systematic application of airborne
   and terrestrial sensing and detection techniques. The analysis of historic
   aerial photographs and topographic plans proved to be very useful as well.
   Along with them, LiDAR-derived DTMs, photogrammetric DEMs, different
   geophysical and orthophotographic plans are stored in the GIS database for
   Caričin Grad and the Leskovac Basin. In this way almost 80 percent of the
   plateau area was defined, and the obtained plan is hypothetical only to a
   small extent, which particularly refers to the unexcavated northern rampart
   of the Upper Town. Each source provided relevant information for the
   reconstruction of both the rampart and the settlement, which points to the
   value of a holistic approach to documentation from various dates. The first
   source to be studied were archival aerial photographs of Caričin Grad from
   1938 and 1947 (Figs. 1, 2.1). The latter one was originally processed by
   Aleksandar Deroko and Svetozar Radojči}, who drew the plan of the town after
   it, labelling the unexplored Upper Town’s northern plateau as “a probable
   habitation area”. The route of the northern rampart was aslo rather precisely
   determined by the authors (Fig. 2.2). Recently, these photographs were
   rectified and georeferenced in the GIS. The 1938 shot reveals the position of
   some towers as well, and it is also indicative of the way of construction of
   certain buildings. From the spatial layout of whitish zones, originating from
   mortar scattered along the slope, it can be deduced which buildings were
   constructed in opus mixtum - the horreum and the so-called Building with
   Pillars east of it. Traces of mortar can be observed along the route of the
   rampart too. These archival images are particularly important because they
   record the topography of the site before it was filled with heaps of earth
   from the excavations. The topographic mappings of this area were conducted in
   1981 and 2006 (Fig. 3). The first plan was drawn after an airborne
   stereophotogrammetric survey of Caričin Grad, and in 2006, after the wood was
   cut down, this whole area was surveyed with the total station, with a density
   of nine points per square meter. This survey also resulted in a 3D terrain
   model (Fig. 3.2) indicating the layout of the buildings, which was to be
   proved by geophysical surveys and archaeological excavations. In the course
   of the Serbian-French reaearch programme, in 2007 geomagnetic surveys were
   carried out by Alain Kermorvan of the University of Tours. Thanks to the
   application of this method the remains of collapsed stone structures could be
   observed, and in 2015, in cooperation with the Roman-Germanic Central Museum,
   Mainz, and the Ludwig Boltzmann Institute from Vienna, the middle and eastern
   parts of the plateau were scanned with GPR (Fig. 4.2). Precise plans of the
   buildings were obtained in the areas in which LiDAR scanning and
   photogrammetric and geomagnetic surveys failed to produce clear images.
   Within the framework of the ArchaeoLandscapes Europe project, in 2011 we
   managed to organise an airborne LiDAR survey of the wider area of Caričin
   Grad. With its density of some 20 points per square meter, this scanning
   proved to be crucial for our comprehension of the town. The standard DTM
   provided numerous important data, especially its version calculated in the
   focal statistics function of the ArcGIS software package (Fig. 5. 1-2). These
   models show not only the route of the Upper Town’s northern rampart, the
   position of its towers and the layout of the buildings, but also the line of
   the Outer Town’s western rampart. Visible only in the DTM, this entirely new
   aspect of the Caričin Grad fortification has been attested by the
   excavations. Highly important plans of the town, and of the northern plateau
   of the Upper Town in particular, were obtained by UAV photogrammetric
   surveys. The first drone survey was conducted in 2014 within the scope of the
   same project. It resulted in a cloud with up to 1,600 points per square meter
   (Fig. 6.1-2). Unlike the LiDAR technology, photogrammetry cannot penetrate
   vegetation; therefore the preliminary clearing of the ground proved to be a
   most important step. After the 2015 campaign was finished, the excavation
   area in the Upper Town was documented again in the same manner. Regular
   photogrammetric surveys make possible the control of the works and reliable
   visual monitoring of the progress of exploration (Fig. 9). After the wood was
   cut down in 2006 and enormous heaps of earth from twentieth-century
   excavations and restoration works were carefully removed by machinery in 2008
   and 2010, without disturbing the original layers of debris, wide excavations
   could begin. At first only the humus layer was removed from fifteen-meter
   squares, which was followed by technical drawing. In 2009 and 2010 we did not
   explore the debris or the cultural layers (Fig. 7.1-2). The additional two
   squares were opened and documented in the same fashion in 2011, when
   previously recorded buildings 11 and 15C were explored in detail, together
   with the part of the corridor between them where a bread oven was found.
   These buildings were oriented south-north, cascading along the mild slope
   towards the northern rampart of the Upper Town. Fragments of pithoi and
   carbonised fruits were found in the buildings, allowing for an economic
   interpretation. Judging by coinfinds, the buildings ended in fire after the
   year 602. Some of the buildings on the northern plateau were oriented
   differently, following the route of the northern rampart of the Acropolis in
   the east-west direction. In 2012 building 18 was excavated, leaning on the
   rampart. Rectangular in plan and some 12 by 7.5 meters large, it had a storey
   and a 7 by 5.5 meters spacious paved atrium in the west. Parallel to building
   18 is building 20, the only one on the northern plateau constructed in opus
   mixtum. The two buildings are separated by a four-meter-wide street, running
   from east to west. This street, corridor 4, was partly cut in the rock. In
   some sections it had a substructure of fragmented debris. Building 20 has
   been carefully excavated for several years now. After the initial
   documenting, the surface layer of debris was removed, but not the collapsed
   structures with characteristic construction details; to the east of the
   building a collapsed wall was uncovered, containing as many as eight
   successive rows of stone and brick. Beneath these layers are the occupation
   ones, so far investigated only to a small extent. Building 20 is rectangular
   in plan, covering 25 by 12.5 meters. In its central axis there is a row of
   masonry pillars, dividing the building into two naves. On its western side
   there was a vestibule with a pair of doors matching the main entrances to the
   building. In the back of the vestibule, between these entrances and in axis
   with the pillars, there was a staircase. Adetailed analysis of these features
   led us to conclude that building 20 was a horreum, the first such edifice to
   be discovered in Caričin Grad. Taking into account the details of its ground
   plan, pillars, parts of collapsed walls and especially arches, it will be
   possible to reconstruct the original form of the horreum. Judging by the
   existing estimate, although somewhat rough, it was 13.5 meters high. It could
   be observed that in its later phases the horreum was partitioned into several
   rooms, and some of its entrances were walled up. In the vestibule only these
   later occupation phases were documented, as the original brick pavement was
   removed from its northern part. This was followed by a significant
   accumulation of cultural layers, which were sealed by the debris stratum.
   South of the horreum there is a spacious courtyard connected with the western
   street of the Upper Town. The Upper Town’s northern rampart has never been
   graphically reconstructed, despite the fact that Aleksandar Deroko and
   Svetozar Radojči} published its accurate (although schematic) ground plan as
   early as 1950 (Fig. 2.2). This part of the town has gradually been left out
   of the research focus, mainly due to the vegetation growth. Upon employing
   all the methods described above, however, it is possible to undertake such an
   effort. The ideal reconstruction suggested here includes the rampart route,
   the disposition and the form of the towers, and the possible locations of the
   posterns. The line of the rampart can be traced following the trenches left
   by the locals dismantling the walls. Only the section of the northwestern
   rampart in front of the western postern of the Acropolis cannot be presented,
   being still covered by massive earth deposits. On the other hand, the
   recently discovered western rampart of the Outer Town can be traced to its
   full length in the LiDAR-derived DTM. Its form can be easily reconstructed on
   the basis of the results of the 2012 excavations and the section of the same
   rampart uncovered east of the main fortifications in 1955-56 (Fig. 8). Having
   studied the microtopography of the terrain, we were able to determine the
   position of a number of towers. They were clearly indicated by bumps,
   regularly distributed along the northern and northeastern sections of the
   rampart. The position of the tower below the Acropolis’ western postern could
   be easily determined as well, unlike the position of the tower opposite to
   the horseshoe-shaped one of the Acropolis fortification. Yet, it is hard to
   imagine that a hundred-meter-long section of the rampart was left
   unprotected. The rectangular shape of the towers is suggested because almost
   all the towers of the town’s outer fortification were constructed in that
   way. On the other hand, at present we cannot exclude the possibility that
   some towers were different, horseshoe-shaped in plan, like the ones on the
   Acropolis rampart. The disposition of the towers along the northeastern
   rampart of the Upper Town, in the area where the northern street presumably
   met the fortification, is not clear. This part of the site still lies under
   massive heaps of earth, and even the 1938 and 1947 aerial photographs are not
   indicative enough in this regard. However, the tower(s) might have been
   erected there, not only because the eighty-meter-long stretch of the rampart
   would be left without protection in an opposite scenario, but because it is
   likely that the northern street ended in a gate, or at least a postern. It is
   already known that some of the posterns on the Carič in Grad fortifications
   were defended by towers. The average distance between the towers of the
   town’s main fortification extends from 20 meters on the southern to 40 meters
   on the western rampart of the Lower Town; in our reconstruction the average
   interval on the Upper Town’s northern rampart is 44 meters. Another argument
   is that this gate might have connected the Upper and the Outer Towns. The
   position of the second postern is determined thanks to a depression in the
   terrain following the axis of another communication route in the Upper Town,
   leading from corridor 4 and running towards the north along the rows of
   buildings. Finally, the 3.8 meter width of the rampart in the section
   adjoining the northern tower of the Upper Town’s eastern gate may only
   indicate a staircase, the last reconstructed fortification element. On the
   plateau stretching between the northern ramparts of the Acropolis and the
   Upper Town fortifications a settlement developed with its radially
   distributed rows of buildings cascading down the slope. In the eastern part
   of the plateau there is the horreum, adjoined from the east by another
   building - the storage called Building with Pillars. Larger than the other
   buildings and constructed in opus mixtum, the two buildings follow the route
   of the Upper Town’s northern street, all of which indicates that they belong
   to the initial construction phase. One should not exclude the possibility
   that this part of the town was originally conceived as an economic district
   with storages and similar edifices. By all appearances, the original concept
   was soon abandoned. Already at the time of Justinian a settlement of numerous
   smaller buildings was created. With their walls of stone and wattle and daub,
   the buildings were roofed with tiles. Yet one should underscore that this
   construction phase, although less sophisticated than the first one, was
   accomplished according to a previously prepared plan; the spread of the
   buildings speaks to that effect. Shortly afterwards, if not at the same time,
   buildings were erected along the outer face of the Acropolis rampart - a
   clear indication of abandoning urban planning (Fig. 9). Public space was
   turned into private, in spite of the legal proscriptions of that time. During
   the last phase of the town’s life the buildings described, whether public or
   private, were partitioned into small rooms, often with fireplaces and with
   some of their entrances walled up. Just like the edifices constructed in opus
   mixtum, some of the more modest buildings from the second construction phase
   were used to store food - namely buildings 11 and 15C. The plan of this part
   of the site points to an organised settlement, most probably inhabited by
   persons servicing a significant clergy and administration. On the other hand,
   except for some houses - such as building 18 - small buildings along the
   Acropolis fortification, facing the main street, corridor 4, might have
   served as shops and workshops. Traces of furnaces, slag and bone working were
   also encountered in this area. The parallel application of classical research
   methods and modern techniques of sensing and detection enabled the
   reconstruction of the northern rampart and the urban matrix of the Upper
   Town’s northern plateau. Until recently among the least known parts of the
   town, this unit can now be regarded as one of the best defined. This is
   important not only for our understanding of Caričin Grad (Justiniana Prima),
   but also for the study of Early Byzantine urban planning in general.
PB  - Arheološki institut, Beograd
T2  - Starinar
T1  - New insights into urban planning of Caričin Grad: The application of modern sensing and detection methods
EP  - 160
IS  - 66
SP  - 143
DO  - 10.2298/STA1666143I
UR  - conv_692
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Ivanišević, Vujadin and Bugarski, Ivan and Stamenković, Aleksandar",
year = "2016",
abstract = "Caričin Grad, Justiniana Prima, urban planning, fortification, settlement,
   aerial photography, geophysical surveys, LiDAR, photogrammetry, excavations,
   GIS. Thanks to the application of modern non-destructive sensing and
   detection methods, in recent years a series of new data on urban planning in
   Caričin Grad was obtained. For the most part, the current research programme
   studies the Upper Town’s northern plateau, wooded until recently and hence
   the only previously unexplored unit of the city. In the course of this
   programme, the classical research method - the excavations started in 2009 -
   is for the first time combined with the systematic application of airborne
   and terrestrial sensing and detection techniques. The analysis of historic
   aerial photographs and topographic plans proved to be very useful as well.
   Along with them, LiDAR-derived DTMs, photogrammetric DEMs, different
   geophysical and orthophotographic plans are stored in the GIS database for
   Caričin Grad and the Leskovac Basin. In this way almost 80 percent of the
   plateau area was defined, and the obtained plan is hypothetical only to a
   small extent, which particularly refers to the unexcavated northern rampart
   of the Upper Town. Each source provided relevant information for the
   reconstruction of both the rampart and the settlement, which points to the
   value of a holistic approach to documentation from various dates. The first
   source to be studied were archival aerial photographs of Caričin Grad from
   1938 and 1947 (Figs. 1, 2.1). The latter one was originally processed by
   Aleksandar Deroko and Svetozar Radojči}, who drew the plan of the town after
   it, labelling the unexplored Upper Town’s northern plateau as “a probable
   habitation area”. The route of the northern rampart was aslo rather precisely
   determined by the authors (Fig. 2.2). Recently, these photographs were
   rectified and georeferenced in the GIS. The 1938 shot reveals the position of
   some towers as well, and it is also indicative of the way of construction of
   certain buildings. From the spatial layout of whitish zones, originating from
   mortar scattered along the slope, it can be deduced which buildings were
   constructed in opus mixtum - the horreum and the so-called Building with
   Pillars east of it. Traces of mortar can be observed along the route of the
   rampart too. These archival images are particularly important because they
   record the topography of the site before it was filled with heaps of earth
   from the excavations. The topographic mappings of this area were conducted in
   1981 and 2006 (Fig. 3). The first plan was drawn after an airborne
   stereophotogrammetric survey of Caričin Grad, and in 2006, after the wood was
   cut down, this whole area was surveyed with the total station, with a density
   of nine points per square meter. This survey also resulted in a 3D terrain
   model (Fig. 3.2) indicating the layout of the buildings, which was to be
   proved by geophysical surveys and archaeological excavations. In the course
   of the Serbian-French reaearch programme, in 2007 geomagnetic surveys were
   carried out by Alain Kermorvan of the University of Tours. Thanks to the
   application of this method the remains of collapsed stone structures could be
   observed, and in 2015, in cooperation with the Roman-Germanic Central Museum,
   Mainz, and the Ludwig Boltzmann Institute from Vienna, the middle and eastern
   parts of the plateau were scanned with GPR (Fig. 4.2). Precise plans of the
   buildings were obtained in the areas in which LiDAR scanning and
   photogrammetric and geomagnetic surveys failed to produce clear images.
   Within the framework of the ArchaeoLandscapes Europe project, in 2011 we
   managed to organise an airborne LiDAR survey of the wider area of Caričin
   Grad. With its density of some 20 points per square meter, this scanning
   proved to be crucial for our comprehension of the town. The standard DTM
   provided numerous important data, especially its version calculated in the
   focal statistics function of the ArcGIS software package (Fig. 5. 1-2). These
   models show not only the route of the Upper Town’s northern rampart, the
   position of its towers and the layout of the buildings, but also the line of
   the Outer Town’s western rampart. Visible only in the DTM, this entirely new
   aspect of the Caričin Grad fortification has been attested by the
   excavations. Highly important plans of the town, and of the northern plateau
   of the Upper Town in particular, were obtained by UAV photogrammetric
   surveys. The first drone survey was conducted in 2014 within the scope of the
   same project. It resulted in a cloud with up to 1,600 points per square meter
   (Fig. 6.1-2). Unlike the LiDAR technology, photogrammetry cannot penetrate
   vegetation; therefore the preliminary clearing of the ground proved to be a
   most important step. After the 2015 campaign was finished, the excavation
   area in the Upper Town was documented again in the same manner. Regular
   photogrammetric surveys make possible the control of the works and reliable
   visual monitoring of the progress of exploration (Fig. 9). After the wood was
   cut down in 2006 and enormous heaps of earth from twentieth-century
   excavations and restoration works were carefully removed by machinery in 2008
   and 2010, without disturbing the original layers of debris, wide excavations
   could begin. At first only the humus layer was removed from fifteen-meter
   squares, which was followed by technical drawing. In 2009 and 2010 we did not
   explore the debris or the cultural layers (Fig. 7.1-2). The additional two
   squares were opened and documented in the same fashion in 2011, when
   previously recorded buildings 11 and 15C were explored in detail, together
   with the part of the corridor between them where a bread oven was found.
   These buildings were oriented south-north, cascading along the mild slope
   towards the northern rampart of the Upper Town. Fragments of pithoi and
   carbonised fruits were found in the buildings, allowing for an economic
   interpretation. Judging by coinfinds, the buildings ended in fire after the
   year 602. Some of the buildings on the northern plateau were oriented
   differently, following the route of the northern rampart of the Acropolis in
   the east-west direction. In 2012 building 18 was excavated, leaning on the
   rampart. Rectangular in plan and some 12 by 7.5 meters large, it had a storey
   and a 7 by 5.5 meters spacious paved atrium in the west. Parallel to building
   18 is building 20, the only one on the northern plateau constructed in opus
   mixtum. The two buildings are separated by a four-meter-wide street, running
   from east to west. This street, corridor 4, was partly cut in the rock. In
   some sections it had a substructure of fragmented debris. Building 20 has
   been carefully excavated for several years now. After the initial
   documenting, the surface layer of debris was removed, but not the collapsed
   structures with characteristic construction details; to the east of the
   building a collapsed wall was uncovered, containing as many as eight
   successive rows of stone and brick. Beneath these layers are the occupation
   ones, so far investigated only to a small extent. Building 20 is rectangular
   in plan, covering 25 by 12.5 meters. In its central axis there is a row of
   masonry pillars, dividing the building into two naves. On its western side
   there was a vestibule with a pair of doors matching the main entrances to the
   building. In the back of the vestibule, between these entrances and in axis
   with the pillars, there was a staircase. Adetailed analysis of these features
   led us to conclude that building 20 was a horreum, the first such edifice to
   be discovered in Caričin Grad. Taking into account the details of its ground
   plan, pillars, parts of collapsed walls and especially arches, it will be
   possible to reconstruct the original form of the horreum. Judging by the
   existing estimate, although somewhat rough, it was 13.5 meters high. It could
   be observed that in its later phases the horreum was partitioned into several
   rooms, and some of its entrances were walled up. In the vestibule only these
   later occupation phases were documented, as the original brick pavement was
   removed from its northern part. This was followed by a significant
   accumulation of cultural layers, which were sealed by the debris stratum.
   South of the horreum there is a spacious courtyard connected with the western
   street of the Upper Town. The Upper Town’s northern rampart has never been
   graphically reconstructed, despite the fact that Aleksandar Deroko and
   Svetozar Radojči} published its accurate (although schematic) ground plan as
   early as 1950 (Fig. 2.2). This part of the town has gradually been left out
   of the research focus, mainly due to the vegetation growth. Upon employing
   all the methods described above, however, it is possible to undertake such an
   effort. The ideal reconstruction suggested here includes the rampart route,
   the disposition and the form of the towers, and the possible locations of the
   posterns. The line of the rampart can be traced following the trenches left
   by the locals dismantling the walls. Only the section of the northwestern
   rampart in front of the western postern of the Acropolis cannot be presented,
   being still covered by massive earth deposits. On the other hand, the
   recently discovered western rampart of the Outer Town can be traced to its
   full length in the LiDAR-derived DTM. Its form can be easily reconstructed on
   the basis of the results of the 2012 excavations and the section of the same
   rampart uncovered east of the main fortifications in 1955-56 (Fig. 8). Having
   studied the microtopography of the terrain, we were able to determine the
   position of a number of towers. They were clearly indicated by bumps,
   regularly distributed along the northern and northeastern sections of the
   rampart. The position of the tower below the Acropolis’ western postern could
   be easily determined as well, unlike the position of the tower opposite to
   the horseshoe-shaped one of the Acropolis fortification. Yet, it is hard to
   imagine that a hundred-meter-long section of the rampart was left
   unprotected. The rectangular shape of the towers is suggested because almost
   all the towers of the town’s outer fortification were constructed in that
   way. On the other hand, at present we cannot exclude the possibility that
   some towers were different, horseshoe-shaped in plan, like the ones on the
   Acropolis rampart. The disposition of the towers along the northeastern
   rampart of the Upper Town, in the area where the northern street presumably
   met the fortification, is not clear. This part of the site still lies under
   massive heaps of earth, and even the 1938 and 1947 aerial photographs are not
   indicative enough in this regard. However, the tower(s) might have been
   erected there, not only because the eighty-meter-long stretch of the rampart
   would be left without protection in an opposite scenario, but because it is
   likely that the northern street ended in a gate, or at least a postern. It is
   already known that some of the posterns on the Carič in Grad fortifications
   were defended by towers. The average distance between the towers of the
   town’s main fortification extends from 20 meters on the southern to 40 meters
   on the western rampart of the Lower Town; in our reconstruction the average
   interval on the Upper Town’s northern rampart is 44 meters. Another argument
   is that this gate might have connected the Upper and the Outer Towns. The
   position of the second postern is determined thanks to a depression in the
   terrain following the axis of another communication route in the Upper Town,
   leading from corridor 4 and running towards the north along the rows of
   buildings. Finally, the 3.8 meter width of the rampart in the section
   adjoining the northern tower of the Upper Town’s eastern gate may only
   indicate a staircase, the last reconstructed fortification element. On the
   plateau stretching between the northern ramparts of the Acropolis and the
   Upper Town fortifications a settlement developed with its radially
   distributed rows of buildings cascading down the slope. In the eastern part
   of the plateau there is the horreum, adjoined from the east by another
   building - the storage called Building with Pillars. Larger than the other
   buildings and constructed in opus mixtum, the two buildings follow the route
   of the Upper Town’s northern street, all of which indicates that they belong
   to the initial construction phase. One should not exclude the possibility
   that this part of the town was originally conceived as an economic district
   with storages and similar edifices. By all appearances, the original concept
   was soon abandoned. Already at the time of Justinian a settlement of numerous
   smaller buildings was created. With their walls of stone and wattle and daub,
   the buildings were roofed with tiles. Yet one should underscore that this
   construction phase, although less sophisticated than the first one, was
   accomplished according to a previously prepared plan; the spread of the
   buildings speaks to that effect. Shortly afterwards, if not at the same time,
   buildings were erected along the outer face of the Acropolis rampart - a
   clear indication of abandoning urban planning (Fig. 9). Public space was
   turned into private, in spite of the legal proscriptions of that time. During
   the last phase of the town’s life the buildings described, whether public or
   private, were partitioned into small rooms, often with fireplaces and with
   some of their entrances walled up. Just like the edifices constructed in opus
   mixtum, some of the more modest buildings from the second construction phase
   were used to store food - namely buildings 11 and 15C. The plan of this part
   of the site points to an organised settlement, most probably inhabited by
   persons servicing a significant clergy and administration. On the other hand,
   except for some houses - such as building 18 - small buildings along the
   Acropolis fortification, facing the main street, corridor 4, might have
   served as shops and workshops. Traces of furnaces, slag and bone working were
   also encountered in this area. The parallel application of classical research
   methods and modern techniques of sensing and detection enabled the
   reconstruction of the northern rampart and the urban matrix of the Upper
   Town’s northern plateau. Until recently among the least known parts of the
   town, this unit can now be regarded as one of the best defined. This is
   important not only for our understanding of Caričin Grad (Justiniana Prima),
   but also for the study of Early Byzantine urban planning in general.",
publisher = "Arheološki institut, Beograd",
journal = "Starinar",
title = "New insights into urban planning of Caričin Grad: The application of modern sensing and detection methods",
pages = "160-143",
number = "66",
doi = "10.2298/STA1666143I",
url = "conv_692"
}
Ivanišević, V., Bugarski, I.,& Stamenković, A.. (2016). New insights into urban planning of Caričin Grad: The application of modern sensing and detection methods. in Starinar
Arheološki institut, Beograd.(66), 143-160.
https://doi.org/10.2298/STA1666143I
conv_692
Ivanišević V, Bugarski I, Stamenković A. New insights into urban planning of Caričin Grad: The application of modern sensing and detection methods. in Starinar. 2016;(66):143-160.
doi:10.2298/STA1666143I
conv_692 .
Ivanišević, Vujadin, Bugarski, Ivan, Stamenković, Aleksandar, "New insights into urban planning of Caričin Grad: The application of modern sensing and detection methods" in Starinar, no. 66 (2016):143-160,
https://doi.org/10.2298/STA1666143I .,
conv_692 .
1

Ranosrednjovekovna ostava gvozdenih predmeta iz Rujkovca i slični nalazi sa područja centralnog Balkana

Bugarski, Ivan; Ivanišević, Vujadin

(Arheološki institut, Beograd, 2013)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Bugarski, Ivan
AU  - Ivanišević, Vujadin
PY  - 2013
UR  - http://rai.ai.ac.rs/handle/123456789/198
AB  - U radu se objavljuje skupni nalaz, najverovatnije ostava gvozdenih predmeta sa višeslojnog lokaliteta Gradište u Rujkovcu, na jugu Srbije. Ostava, koja se sastoji od četiri uzengije i isto toliko poljoprivrednih alatki, analizirana je u svetlu sličnih nalaza sa prostora centralnog Balkana. Na osnovu tipološki osetljivih predmeta, rujkovačku i još neke od ovih ostava moguće je datovati u drugu polovinu 10. i prvu polovinu 11. veka. Naša ostava je jedna od dve koje pokazuju jasan vojni karakter. Pretežna zastupljenost poljoprivrednog alata u ostalim ostavama ukazuje na pojačan razvoj ove grane privrede u doba ranog srednjeg veka na tlu centralnog Balkana. Ostave sa tog prostora, verovatno vizantijske provenijencije, u celini su mlađe nego dobro proučeni slični skupni nalazi iz istočne i srednje Evrope.
AB  - By the village of Rujkovac in southern Serbia, one of the numerous local hillforts is situated. Since it has not been systematically explored, our knowledge of its history leans on an insight into the chance finds. On this occasion, we have opted to depict eight iron objects, probably coming from a damaged hoard. Thanks to four Hungarian-type stirrups which have already been published, the hoard from Rujkovac was dated to the second half of the tenth and the first half of the eleventh century. Similar finds from outside the Central Balkans are well studied, but there have been misinterpretations of their occurrence in this territory. The findings of tools from the Rujkovac hoard may be widely dated. The pickaxe belongs to Henning's class L1 the mattock to the class K8, the scythe to the I5 class, and the plowshare to the A3 class of the same typology. Both typologically and territorially, the closest finds come from a hoard of iron objects found at Streževo by Bitola, Macedonia, but the presented estimations of its date have caused some confusion. It was Valery Jotov who rightly dated it to the second half of tenth and the first half of the eleventh century. Some other similar finds come from the Central Balkans, present-day Serbia and Macedonia, most of which were not sufficiently studied and were incorporated neither in Henning's 1987 corpus nor in Florin Curta's papers that followed (1997, 2011). It is hard to judge the date of some of the hoards. For instance, the Gamzigrad III hoard has been dated to the Late Antiquity, and the Jelica hoard perhaps to the early seventh century. We are open to the possibility that these hoards in fact come from the Early Middle Ages. The other hoards, found at Ada Ciganlija (Belgrade), Pontes, and in Macedonia are chiefly dated to the tenth and eleventh centuries. The Rujkovac and Streževo hoards are ascribed to the military, the Gamzigrad II to the local smithy, and the rest of the hoards may have belonged to individuals rather than to communities. The prevailing agricultural character of these hoards is closely related to population growth in Byzantium at that time. The hoards testify to the renewal of life and metallurgical activities in the tenth and eleventh centuries in the southern part of the Central Balkans. The increase in money hoards speaks in favour of some economic renewal too. Our earlier conclusion, though with some reservations, was that both the Rujkovac and Streževo finds came from a Byzantine context. We would suggest that the same could be stated for the rest of the hoards depicted in this paper.
PB  - Arheološki institut, Beograd
T2  - Starinar
T1  - Ranosrednjovekovna ostava gvozdenih predmeta iz Rujkovca i slični nalazi sa područja centralnog Balkana
T1  - Early mediaeval hoard of iron objects from Rujkovac and similar finds from the central Balkans
EP  - 152
IS  - 63
SP  - 131
DO  - 10.2298/STA1363131B
UR  - conv_758
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Bugarski, Ivan and Ivanišević, Vujadin",
year = "2013",
abstract = "U radu se objavljuje skupni nalaz, najverovatnije ostava gvozdenih predmeta sa višeslojnog lokaliteta Gradište u Rujkovcu, na jugu Srbije. Ostava, koja se sastoji od četiri uzengije i isto toliko poljoprivrednih alatki, analizirana je u svetlu sličnih nalaza sa prostora centralnog Balkana. Na osnovu tipološki osetljivih predmeta, rujkovačku i još neke od ovih ostava moguće je datovati u drugu polovinu 10. i prvu polovinu 11. veka. Naša ostava je jedna od dve koje pokazuju jasan vojni karakter. Pretežna zastupljenost poljoprivrednog alata u ostalim ostavama ukazuje na pojačan razvoj ove grane privrede u doba ranog srednjeg veka na tlu centralnog Balkana. Ostave sa tog prostora, verovatno vizantijske provenijencije, u celini su mlađe nego dobro proučeni slični skupni nalazi iz istočne i srednje Evrope., By the village of Rujkovac in southern Serbia, one of the numerous local hillforts is situated. Since it has not been systematically explored, our knowledge of its history leans on an insight into the chance finds. On this occasion, we have opted to depict eight iron objects, probably coming from a damaged hoard. Thanks to four Hungarian-type stirrups which have already been published, the hoard from Rujkovac was dated to the second half of the tenth and the first half of the eleventh century. Similar finds from outside the Central Balkans are well studied, but there have been misinterpretations of their occurrence in this territory. The findings of tools from the Rujkovac hoard may be widely dated. The pickaxe belongs to Henning's class L1 the mattock to the class K8, the scythe to the I5 class, and the plowshare to the A3 class of the same typology. Both typologically and territorially, the closest finds come from a hoard of iron objects found at Streževo by Bitola, Macedonia, but the presented estimations of its date have caused some confusion. It was Valery Jotov who rightly dated it to the second half of tenth and the first half of the eleventh century. Some other similar finds come from the Central Balkans, present-day Serbia and Macedonia, most of which were not sufficiently studied and were incorporated neither in Henning's 1987 corpus nor in Florin Curta's papers that followed (1997, 2011). It is hard to judge the date of some of the hoards. For instance, the Gamzigrad III hoard has been dated to the Late Antiquity, and the Jelica hoard perhaps to the early seventh century. We are open to the possibility that these hoards in fact come from the Early Middle Ages. The other hoards, found at Ada Ciganlija (Belgrade), Pontes, and in Macedonia are chiefly dated to the tenth and eleventh centuries. The Rujkovac and Streževo hoards are ascribed to the military, the Gamzigrad II to the local smithy, and the rest of the hoards may have belonged to individuals rather than to communities. The prevailing agricultural character of these hoards is closely related to population growth in Byzantium at that time. The hoards testify to the renewal of life and metallurgical activities in the tenth and eleventh centuries in the southern part of the Central Balkans. The increase in money hoards speaks in favour of some economic renewal too. Our earlier conclusion, though with some reservations, was that both the Rujkovac and Streževo finds came from a Byzantine context. We would suggest that the same could be stated for the rest of the hoards depicted in this paper.",
publisher = "Arheološki institut, Beograd",
journal = "Starinar",
title = "Ranosrednjovekovna ostava gvozdenih predmeta iz Rujkovca i slični nalazi sa područja centralnog Balkana, Early mediaeval hoard of iron objects from Rujkovac and similar finds from the central Balkans",
pages = "152-131",
number = "63",
doi = "10.2298/STA1363131B",
url = "conv_758"
}
Bugarski, I.,& Ivanišević, V.. (2013). Ranosrednjovekovna ostava gvozdenih predmeta iz Rujkovca i slični nalazi sa područja centralnog Balkana. in Starinar
Arheološki institut, Beograd.(63), 131-152.
https://doi.org/10.2298/STA1363131B
conv_758
Bugarski I, Ivanišević V. Ranosrednjovekovna ostava gvozdenih predmeta iz Rujkovca i slični nalazi sa područja centralnog Balkana. in Starinar. 2013;(63):131-152.
doi:10.2298/STA1363131B
conv_758 .
Bugarski, Ivan, Ivanišević, Vujadin, "Ranosrednjovekovna ostava gvozdenih predmeta iz Rujkovca i slični nalazi sa područja centralnog Balkana" in Starinar, no. 63 (2013):131-152,
https://doi.org/10.2298/STA1363131B .,
conv_758 .

Nov nalaz vizantijske uzengije iz Rujkovca

Bugarski, Ivan

(Narodni muzej, Leskovac, 2013)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Bugarski, Ivan
PY  - 2013
UR  - http://rai.ai.ac.rs/handle/123456789/185
AB  - By the village of Rujkovac in southern Serbia, one of numerous local hillforts is situated. Since it has not been systematically explored, our knowledge on its history leans on an insight into the chance finds. On this occasion, I have opted to depict the new find of an iron sturrup, probably coming from a damaged hoard that have already produced three such objects, apart from the findings of tools that may be widely dated. In all the three cases loops are small and two stirrups are pear-like in shape. On two stirrups there are characteristic widenings by the edges of the foot-rests. The fourth stirrup is similar to those finds. It is also pear-like in shape, measuring 15,7 cm x 13,2 cm. Similar finds from outside the Central Balkans are well studied, but there were misinterpretations of their occurrence in this territory. The Rujkovac stirrups could not be dated according to the context of the find, but only thanks to analogies. Both typologically and territorially, the closest finds come from a hoard of iron objects found at Streževo by Bitola, FYR Macedonia, but the presented estimations of its date caused certain confusion. On the basis of archaeological research, T. Janakievski dated the site to the sixth century, while the hoard was connected to the 626 events, consisting of tools, keys, processional cross, snaffle bits and a total of eighteen stirrups, one of which closely resembling the Early Avar tipe with oblong loop. Apart from the 'Early Avar' stirrup, that seems to has been decorated with incised ornaments, the other stirrups were grouped in those of round and pear-like forms. The first stirrup is very much like the early Avar ones, but differing from them in great width of its foot-rest. Finds from Rujkovac resemble to the stirrups of the other two types from Streževo. On the basis of the appearance of the pear-shaped stirrups, M. Schulze-Dörrlamm dated the Streževo find to the tenth century, and recently the hoard has again attracted the attention of archaeologists. While in my 2007 paper the hoard was dated to the sixth century and tied to the 585/586 events around Thesalonika, V. Jotov dated it to the second half of tenth and the first half of the eleventh centuries. In dating of the Streževo find, V. Jotov analyses the other objects too, but they could not be very precisely dated. This is mostly relevant for tools. However, the discussion on the snuffle-bits from Streževo is more important, attributed to the Csorna type by M. Schulze-Dörrlamm. Similar findings from the Gamzigrad hoard were dated to the tenth - eleventh centuries. So in the previous publication of the Rujkovac sturrups the arguments in favour of a later date for the Streževo hoard were excepted. Then it may be concluded that in the course of the tenth-eleventh centuries the Balkan smiths adopted Hungarian form of stirrups and, what is particularly interesting, that they were still producing the stirrups of a modified, few centuries earlier type and decorating them in the old fashioned way. From the present-day Bulgaria come thirteen more specimens, which seems to justify the reservations of V. Jotov regarding the 'specifically' Hungarian nature of the finds in question. The same is true with a new find from FYR Macedonia. However, no record exists as to which army they belonged to. Given the historical framework, it is stated, though with some reservations, that both the Rujkovac and Streževo finds come from a Byzantine context, testifying to the renewal of life and metallurgical activities in the tenth and eleventh centuries in the southern part of the Central Balkans.
PB  - Narodni muzej, Leskovac
T2  - Leskovački zbornik
T1  - Nov nalaz vizantijske uzengije iz Rujkovca
T1  - A new find of a Byzantine stirrup from Rujkovac
EP  - 49
IS  - 53
SP  - 34
UR  - conv_283
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Bugarski, Ivan",
year = "2013",
abstract = "By the village of Rujkovac in southern Serbia, one of numerous local hillforts is situated. Since it has not been systematically explored, our knowledge on its history leans on an insight into the chance finds. On this occasion, I have opted to depict the new find of an iron sturrup, probably coming from a damaged hoard that have already produced three such objects, apart from the findings of tools that may be widely dated. In all the three cases loops are small and two stirrups are pear-like in shape. On two stirrups there are characteristic widenings by the edges of the foot-rests. The fourth stirrup is similar to those finds. It is also pear-like in shape, measuring 15,7 cm x 13,2 cm. Similar finds from outside the Central Balkans are well studied, but there were misinterpretations of their occurrence in this territory. The Rujkovac stirrups could not be dated according to the context of the find, but only thanks to analogies. Both typologically and territorially, the closest finds come from a hoard of iron objects found at Streževo by Bitola, FYR Macedonia, but the presented estimations of its date caused certain confusion. On the basis of archaeological research, T. Janakievski dated the site to the sixth century, while the hoard was connected to the 626 events, consisting of tools, keys, processional cross, snaffle bits and a total of eighteen stirrups, one of which closely resembling the Early Avar tipe with oblong loop. Apart from the 'Early Avar' stirrup, that seems to has been decorated with incised ornaments, the other stirrups were grouped in those of round and pear-like forms. The first stirrup is very much like the early Avar ones, but differing from them in great width of its foot-rest. Finds from Rujkovac resemble to the stirrups of the other two types from Streževo. On the basis of the appearance of the pear-shaped stirrups, M. Schulze-Dörrlamm dated the Streževo find to the tenth century, and recently the hoard has again attracted the attention of archaeologists. While in my 2007 paper the hoard was dated to the sixth century and tied to the 585/586 events around Thesalonika, V. Jotov dated it to the second half of tenth and the first half of the eleventh centuries. In dating of the Streževo find, V. Jotov analyses the other objects too, but they could not be very precisely dated. This is mostly relevant for tools. However, the discussion on the snuffle-bits from Streževo is more important, attributed to the Csorna type by M. Schulze-Dörrlamm. Similar findings from the Gamzigrad hoard were dated to the tenth - eleventh centuries. So in the previous publication of the Rujkovac sturrups the arguments in favour of a later date for the Streževo hoard were excepted. Then it may be concluded that in the course of the tenth-eleventh centuries the Balkan smiths adopted Hungarian form of stirrups and, what is particularly interesting, that they were still producing the stirrups of a modified, few centuries earlier type and decorating them in the old fashioned way. From the present-day Bulgaria come thirteen more specimens, which seems to justify the reservations of V. Jotov regarding the 'specifically' Hungarian nature of the finds in question. The same is true with a new find from FYR Macedonia. However, no record exists as to which army they belonged to. Given the historical framework, it is stated, though with some reservations, that both the Rujkovac and Streževo finds come from a Byzantine context, testifying to the renewal of life and metallurgical activities in the tenth and eleventh centuries in the southern part of the Central Balkans.",
publisher = "Narodni muzej, Leskovac",
journal = "Leskovački zbornik",
title = "Nov nalaz vizantijske uzengije iz Rujkovca, A new find of a Byzantine stirrup from Rujkovac",
pages = "49-34",
number = "53",
url = "conv_283"
}
Bugarski, I.. (2013). Nov nalaz vizantijske uzengije iz Rujkovca. in Leskovački zbornik
Narodni muzej, Leskovac.(53), 34-49.
conv_283
Bugarski I. Nov nalaz vizantijske uzengije iz Rujkovca. in Leskovački zbornik. 2013;(53):34-49.
conv_283 .
Bugarski, Ivan, "Nov nalaz vizantijske uzengije iz Rujkovca" in Leskovački zbornik, no. 53 (2013):34-49,
conv_283 .

Primena LiDAR tehnologije u analizi topografije Marguma/Morave i Kuliča

Ivanišević, Vujadin; Bugarski, Ivan

(Arheološki institut, Beograd, 2012)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Ivanišević, Vujadin
AU  - Bugarski, Ivan
PY  - 2012
UR  - http://rai.ai.ac.rs/handle/123456789/158
AB  - Antički Margum i srednjovekovno naselje Morava, koji su smešteni na ušću Velike Morave u Dunav, do sada nisu mogli da budu preciznije sagledani, kako zbog razornih pomeranja vodotokova reka i erozije tla usled delovanja rečnih voda, tako i zbog gustog šumskog pokrivača koji se razvio na vlažnom tlu. Dostupni izvori o ovom značajnom nalazištu često pružaju kontradiktorne podatke, pa su saznanja iz pisane istorijske građe, svedočanstva putopisaca, kao i stara kartografska građa, u ovom radu sučeljena sa dosadašnjim arheološkim saznanjima i, posebno, podacima dobijenim nakon nedavnog laserskog LiDAR skeniranja terena iz vazduha. Analizom dobijenih snimaka jasno je omeđen sačuvani prostor na kojem su se razvijali ti gradovi, definisana je istočna ivica rimske aglomeracije i određena funkcija jednog kanala koji preseca čitavu površinu. Pošto je to bila prva primena nove tehnologije daljinske prospekcije u srpskoj arheologiji, deo članka je posvećen objašnjavanju samog metoda. Kao posebna celina obrađeno je i obližnje utvrđenje Kulič, za koje je zaključeno da je bilo podignuto u doba osmanske prevlasti. Zahvaljujući izvršenom skeniranju terena, prepoznato je i podgrađe Kuliča o kojem se dosad znalo samo iz pisanih izvora.
AB  - Roman Margum and Mediaeval town of Morava, situated on the Orašje site in Dubravica at the confluence of the Velika Morava and the Danube, could not have been analysed more thoroughly in the past because of the damage caused by the river bed displacements and soil erosion on the one hand, and dense vegetation growing on such a moist terrain on the other. Archaeological research has so far failed to produce even a site plan. Available data on this important site are contradictory to a considerable extent, so the information one could obtain from the written and cartographic sources needed to be confronted with the archaeological ones and, especially, those derived from the recent LiDAR scanning of the terrain, conducted within the scope of the Archaeo-Landscapes Europe Project. Among the most important plans of the confluence area are those left by Marsigli in the 18th and Kanitz in the 19th century. Felix Kanitz, the famous Balkan traveler, also provided us with a textual description of his visit to the site in 1887. Our analyses of the two plans have revealed a number of inaccuracies. Through analyses of the obtaineded LiDAR scans, however, the preserved area of the two settlements has been clearly demarcated, measuring 7-8 hectares, and the eastern edge of the Roman agglomeration - presumed already in the course of the 2011 excavations - was confirmed. Most probably it was the eastern rampart of the Roman fortification. Apart from this, the purpose of a canal stretching along the whole plateau, and mentioned by Kanitz, has been established. Given that to the east of the canal there was the presumably Roman rampart, and to the west of it there were recently excavated ruins of Roman buildings, the canal itself must have been of a more recent date. Bearing in mind the established vertical stratigraphy of the site, we conclude that it was in fact a Mediaeval defence trench. The topography of the nearby fort Kulič has been studied as well. It is often believed that this fortification was originally built in Roman times, but the analyses of DTM have shown the fort erected on an embankment, round in shape, i.e. on the more elevated terrain in comparsion to the largest part of the confluence area, where most of Roman Margum and Mediaeval Morava has been wiped out by water. So the Kulič fortification could have been originally erected only afterwords, i.e. in Turkish times. There are some data from the written sources to corroborate such a date, and we also know of two later accounts describing the 17th century settlement in front of it. There has been no field confirmation so far, but thanks to the results of LiDAR scanning one may observe the traces of a small settlement south of the fortification, protected by a trench.
PB  - Arheološki institut, Beograd
T2  - Starinar
T1  - Primena LiDAR tehnologije u analizi topografije Marguma/Morave i Kuliča
T1  - Application of LiDAR technology in analyses of the topography of Margum/Morava and Kulič
EP  - 255
IS  - 62
SP  - 239
DO  - 10.2298/STA1262239I
UR  - conv_636
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Ivanišević, Vujadin and Bugarski, Ivan",
year = "2012",
abstract = "Antički Margum i srednjovekovno naselje Morava, koji su smešteni na ušću Velike Morave u Dunav, do sada nisu mogli da budu preciznije sagledani, kako zbog razornih pomeranja vodotokova reka i erozije tla usled delovanja rečnih voda, tako i zbog gustog šumskog pokrivača koji se razvio na vlažnom tlu. Dostupni izvori o ovom značajnom nalazištu često pružaju kontradiktorne podatke, pa su saznanja iz pisane istorijske građe, svedočanstva putopisaca, kao i stara kartografska građa, u ovom radu sučeljena sa dosadašnjim arheološkim saznanjima i, posebno, podacima dobijenim nakon nedavnog laserskog LiDAR skeniranja terena iz vazduha. Analizom dobijenih snimaka jasno je omeđen sačuvani prostor na kojem su se razvijali ti gradovi, definisana je istočna ivica rimske aglomeracije i određena funkcija jednog kanala koji preseca čitavu površinu. Pošto je to bila prva primena nove tehnologije daljinske prospekcije u srpskoj arheologiji, deo članka je posvećen objašnjavanju samog metoda. Kao posebna celina obrađeno je i obližnje utvrđenje Kulič, za koje je zaključeno da je bilo podignuto u doba osmanske prevlasti. Zahvaljujući izvršenom skeniranju terena, prepoznato je i podgrađe Kuliča o kojem se dosad znalo samo iz pisanih izvora., Roman Margum and Mediaeval town of Morava, situated on the Orašje site in Dubravica at the confluence of the Velika Morava and the Danube, could not have been analysed more thoroughly in the past because of the damage caused by the river bed displacements and soil erosion on the one hand, and dense vegetation growing on such a moist terrain on the other. Archaeological research has so far failed to produce even a site plan. Available data on this important site are contradictory to a considerable extent, so the information one could obtain from the written and cartographic sources needed to be confronted with the archaeological ones and, especially, those derived from the recent LiDAR scanning of the terrain, conducted within the scope of the Archaeo-Landscapes Europe Project. Among the most important plans of the confluence area are those left by Marsigli in the 18th and Kanitz in the 19th century. Felix Kanitz, the famous Balkan traveler, also provided us with a textual description of his visit to the site in 1887. Our analyses of the two plans have revealed a number of inaccuracies. Through analyses of the obtaineded LiDAR scans, however, the preserved area of the two settlements has been clearly demarcated, measuring 7-8 hectares, and the eastern edge of the Roman agglomeration - presumed already in the course of the 2011 excavations - was confirmed. Most probably it was the eastern rampart of the Roman fortification. Apart from this, the purpose of a canal stretching along the whole plateau, and mentioned by Kanitz, has been established. Given that to the east of the canal there was the presumably Roman rampart, and to the west of it there were recently excavated ruins of Roman buildings, the canal itself must have been of a more recent date. Bearing in mind the established vertical stratigraphy of the site, we conclude that it was in fact a Mediaeval defence trench. The topography of the nearby fort Kulič has been studied as well. It is often believed that this fortification was originally built in Roman times, but the analyses of DTM have shown the fort erected on an embankment, round in shape, i.e. on the more elevated terrain in comparsion to the largest part of the confluence area, where most of Roman Margum and Mediaeval Morava has been wiped out by water. So the Kulič fortification could have been originally erected only afterwords, i.e. in Turkish times. There are some data from the written sources to corroborate such a date, and we also know of two later accounts describing the 17th century settlement in front of it. There has been no field confirmation so far, but thanks to the results of LiDAR scanning one may observe the traces of a small settlement south of the fortification, protected by a trench.",
publisher = "Arheološki institut, Beograd",
journal = "Starinar",
title = "Primena LiDAR tehnologije u analizi topografije Marguma/Morave i Kuliča, Application of LiDAR technology in analyses of the topography of Margum/Morava and Kulič",
pages = "255-239",
number = "62",
doi = "10.2298/STA1262239I",
url = "conv_636"
}
Ivanišević, V.,& Bugarski, I.. (2012). Primena LiDAR tehnologije u analizi topografije Marguma/Morave i Kuliča. in Starinar
Arheološki institut, Beograd.(62), 239-255.
https://doi.org/10.2298/STA1262239I
conv_636
Ivanišević V, Bugarski I. Primena LiDAR tehnologije u analizi topografije Marguma/Morave i Kuliča. in Starinar. 2012;(62):239-255.
doi:10.2298/STA1262239I
conv_636 .
Ivanišević, Vujadin, Bugarski, Ivan, "Primena LiDAR tehnologije u analizi topografije Marguma/Morave i Kuliča" in Starinar, no. 62 (2012):239-255,
https://doi.org/10.2298/STA1262239I .,
conv_636 .

Romejske sulice VI veka i nalazi sa Gradine u Vrsenicama i Liške Ćave

Bugarski, Ivan

(Narodni muzej, Beograd, 2009)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Bugarski, Ivan
PY  - 2009
UR  - http://rai.ai.ac.rs/handle/123456789/117
AB  - Gvozdeni vrhovi sulica VI veka iz Vrsenica i Liške Ćave, kvadratnog preseka i nenaglašenog prelaza u tulac, dužine 30 i 28 cm, predstavljaju uvećanu modifikaciju rimskog spikuluma. Promenu izaziva uvođenje otpornog lamelarnog oklopa. Kako termin spiculum nije potvrđen u izvorima VI veka, odgovarajuće sulice tog doba nazvao sam uslovno - 'spikulumi'. Opisane su još neke romejske sulice, uglavnom modifikovani rimski verutumi, kao i petice srodnog oružja. U VI veku, takvo oružje gotovo isključivo koriste Romeji, da bi slične sulice tokom (ranog) srednjeg veka koristili i drugi.
AB  - The article is based on the finds of Early Byzantine javelins from the Vrsenice hilltop and Liška Cava (T. 1/1, 2). These two iron points are of square cross-section, 30cm and 28cm in length. Given the archaeological context, i. e. the stratigraphy of cultural layers, they can be dated to the 6th century. Together with these two, some other 6th century points of javelins are presented (T. 1/3, 4; T. II/l), resembling Late Roman spiculum and verutum to a considerable extent, both of which are mentioned by Vegetius. The 4th century finds are of smaller dimensions (T. III/1-3). In the course of the 6th century, the introduction of resistant lamellar armour was presumably followed by extension of javelins' points by some 30% or up to 10cm. The 6th century javelins similar in size to Late Roman spiculum probably represent an Early Byzantine modification of the smaller Late Roman javelin, verutum. In the course of the 4th century, both spiculum and verutum are of triangular or square cross-section, while in the 6th century the cross-section is quadrangular - usualy square or rhomboid - in shape. Since the term spiculum is not confirmed in the 6th century historical sources, I have suggested that javelins coming from that period, which represent the Early Byzantine modification of the 4th century spiculum, should be labeled conditionally, as 'spiculum'. In that way, 'spiculum' would make up another specific type that is derived from the wider group of Early Mediaeval javelins, just like ango. Otherwise there are great difficulties with the ascribing of javelins - both Roman and Early Byzantine - to concrete types, for several reasons. First of all, most of the javelins were found corroded and fragmented. Being a very common weapon, they were often produced by local smiths, having as a consequence the great variety of shapes of their final products. Finally, the historical sources are for different reasons not precise enough when labeling javelins. Along with the points, butts (the metal endings of wooden shafts of spears and javelins) are analysed too (T. 1/5, 6; T. 11/3-8). The butts were used for sticking the weapon in the ground. In the literature they were commonly described as arrowheads or points of small javelins. The butts are not typologically sensitive objects. They were used from Early Roman times onwards, so their dating may be established only according to archaeological context. The Rhomaioi used the 'spiculum' in the 6th century, unlike their rivals. It is obvious that the Rhomaioi copied war equipment of their enemies, just like the Romans had done before. This particular type of javelin, however, they derived from their own armoury tradition. Their enemies at the time did not adopt the use of the 'spiculum' although it was an efficient armour-piercing weapon, probably for tactical reasons. As we know or may suppose on the basis of historical sources, both spiculum and 'spiculum' were used as a part of the equipment of highly trained military formations, namely the Roman and Early Byzantine infantry units. On the other hand, their rivals mostly chose spears and javelins of standard shape, i. e. of universal purpose. In the Late Avar (T. IV), Khazar and Old Russian (T. V/l-4) contexts the virtually unchanged 'spiculum' appears sporadically as well, which can be explained by the fact that after the lamellar armours were introduced in the course of the 6th century, no crucial changes in the production of body armours were to follow. The source of these weapons is to be looked for among the Roman and Early Byzantine javelins and not in the weaponry of Asian horsemen. Similar weapons were also used in Mediaeval Serbia (T. V/5).
PB  - Narodni muzej, Beograd
T2  - Zbornik Narodnog muzeja - serija: Arheologija
T1  - Romejske sulice VI veka i nalazi sa Gradine u Vrsenicama i Liške Ćave
T1  - Sixth century Rhomaioi javelins and findings from the Vrsenice hilltop and Liška Ćava (Serbia)
EP  - 454
IS  - 19-1
SP  - 423
UR  - conv_192
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Bugarski, Ivan",
year = "2009",
abstract = "Gvozdeni vrhovi sulica VI veka iz Vrsenica i Liške Ćave, kvadratnog preseka i nenaglašenog prelaza u tulac, dužine 30 i 28 cm, predstavljaju uvećanu modifikaciju rimskog spikuluma. Promenu izaziva uvođenje otpornog lamelarnog oklopa. Kako termin spiculum nije potvrđen u izvorima VI veka, odgovarajuće sulice tog doba nazvao sam uslovno - 'spikulumi'. Opisane su još neke romejske sulice, uglavnom modifikovani rimski verutumi, kao i petice srodnog oružja. U VI veku, takvo oružje gotovo isključivo koriste Romeji, da bi slične sulice tokom (ranog) srednjeg veka koristili i drugi., The article is based on the finds of Early Byzantine javelins from the Vrsenice hilltop and Liška Cava (T. 1/1, 2). These two iron points are of square cross-section, 30cm and 28cm in length. Given the archaeological context, i. e. the stratigraphy of cultural layers, they can be dated to the 6th century. Together with these two, some other 6th century points of javelins are presented (T. 1/3, 4; T. II/l), resembling Late Roman spiculum and verutum to a considerable extent, both of which are mentioned by Vegetius. The 4th century finds are of smaller dimensions (T. III/1-3). In the course of the 6th century, the introduction of resistant lamellar armour was presumably followed by extension of javelins' points by some 30% or up to 10cm. The 6th century javelins similar in size to Late Roman spiculum probably represent an Early Byzantine modification of the smaller Late Roman javelin, verutum. In the course of the 4th century, both spiculum and verutum are of triangular or square cross-section, while in the 6th century the cross-section is quadrangular - usualy square or rhomboid - in shape. Since the term spiculum is not confirmed in the 6th century historical sources, I have suggested that javelins coming from that period, which represent the Early Byzantine modification of the 4th century spiculum, should be labeled conditionally, as 'spiculum'. In that way, 'spiculum' would make up another specific type that is derived from the wider group of Early Mediaeval javelins, just like ango. Otherwise there are great difficulties with the ascribing of javelins - both Roman and Early Byzantine - to concrete types, for several reasons. First of all, most of the javelins were found corroded and fragmented. Being a very common weapon, they were often produced by local smiths, having as a consequence the great variety of shapes of their final products. Finally, the historical sources are for different reasons not precise enough when labeling javelins. Along with the points, butts (the metal endings of wooden shafts of spears and javelins) are analysed too (T. 1/5, 6; T. 11/3-8). The butts were used for sticking the weapon in the ground. In the literature they were commonly described as arrowheads or points of small javelins. The butts are not typologically sensitive objects. They were used from Early Roman times onwards, so their dating may be established only according to archaeological context. The Rhomaioi used the 'spiculum' in the 6th century, unlike their rivals. It is obvious that the Rhomaioi copied war equipment of their enemies, just like the Romans had done before. This particular type of javelin, however, they derived from their own armoury tradition. Their enemies at the time did not adopt the use of the 'spiculum' although it was an efficient armour-piercing weapon, probably for tactical reasons. As we know or may suppose on the basis of historical sources, both spiculum and 'spiculum' were used as a part of the equipment of highly trained military formations, namely the Roman and Early Byzantine infantry units. On the other hand, their rivals mostly chose spears and javelins of standard shape, i. e. of universal purpose. In the Late Avar (T. IV), Khazar and Old Russian (T. V/l-4) contexts the virtually unchanged 'spiculum' appears sporadically as well, which can be explained by the fact that after the lamellar armours were introduced in the course of the 6th century, no crucial changes in the production of body armours were to follow. The source of these weapons is to be looked for among the Roman and Early Byzantine javelins and not in the weaponry of Asian horsemen. Similar weapons were also used in Mediaeval Serbia (T. V/5).",
publisher = "Narodni muzej, Beograd",
journal = "Zbornik Narodnog muzeja - serija: Arheologija",
title = "Romejske sulice VI veka i nalazi sa Gradine u Vrsenicama i Liške Ćave, Sixth century Rhomaioi javelins and findings from the Vrsenice hilltop and Liška Ćava (Serbia)",
pages = "454-423",
number = "19-1",
url = "conv_192"
}
Bugarski, I.. (2009). Romejske sulice VI veka i nalazi sa Gradine u Vrsenicama i Liške Ćave. in Zbornik Narodnog muzeja - serija: Arheologija
Narodni muzej, Beograd.(19-1), 423-454.
conv_192
Bugarski I. Romejske sulice VI veka i nalazi sa Gradine u Vrsenicama i Liške Ćave. in Zbornik Narodnog muzeja - serija: Arheologija. 2009;(19-1):423-454.
conv_192 .
Bugarski, Ivan, "Romejske sulice VI veka i nalazi sa Gradine u Vrsenicama i Liške Ćave" in Zbornik Narodnog muzeja - serija: Arheologija, no. 19-1 (2009):423-454,
conv_192 .

The geomorphological matrix as a starting point for determining the position of avar-time settlements in Pannonia: the example of the Backa region

Bugarski, Ivan

(Romisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum, Mainz, 2008)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Bugarski, Ivan
PY  - 2008
UR  - http://rai.ai.ac.rs/handle/123456789/104
AB  - The Geomorphological Matrix as a Starting Point for Determining the Position of Avar-time Settlements in Pannonia - the Example of the Batka Region An insight into the results of geomorphological research enables us to understand the settlement concepts of earlier populations in South Pannonia. At this time, the region looked different than today. Thanks to modern hydro-regulatory works in Southern Pannonia, settlement was possible in locations where it had not been previously because of regular flooding. In former times, only the edges of the flood area could be settled. The borders of geomorphological units were favourable for settling, due to the existence of more opportunities to exploit the ground. Since the Avar sites in the Backa region were mostly located on such seams, i.e. on the places sustainable for settling in the geomorphological sense, this paper suggests the existence of settlements even for sites of accidental and individual finds.
PB  - Romisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum, Mainz
T2  - Archaologisches Korrespondenzblatt
T1  - The geomorphological matrix as a starting point for determining the position of avar-time settlements in Pannonia: the example of the Backa region
EP  - 455
IS  - 3
SP  - 437
VL  - 38
UR  - conv_615
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Bugarski, Ivan",
year = "2008",
abstract = "The Geomorphological Matrix as a Starting Point for Determining the Position of Avar-time Settlements in Pannonia - the Example of the Batka Region An insight into the results of geomorphological research enables us to understand the settlement concepts of earlier populations in South Pannonia. At this time, the region looked different than today. Thanks to modern hydro-regulatory works in Southern Pannonia, settlement was possible in locations where it had not been previously because of regular flooding. In former times, only the edges of the flood area could be settled. The borders of geomorphological units were favourable for settling, due to the existence of more opportunities to exploit the ground. Since the Avar sites in the Backa region were mostly located on such seams, i.e. on the places sustainable for settling in the geomorphological sense, this paper suggests the existence of settlements even for sites of accidental and individual finds.",
publisher = "Romisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum, Mainz",
journal = "Archaologisches Korrespondenzblatt",
title = "The geomorphological matrix as a starting point for determining the position of avar-time settlements in Pannonia: the example of the Backa region",
pages = "455-437",
number = "3",
volume = "38",
url = "conv_615"
}
Bugarski, I.. (2008). The geomorphological matrix as a starting point for determining the position of avar-time settlements in Pannonia: the example of the Backa region. in Archaologisches Korrespondenzblatt
Romisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum, Mainz., 38(3), 437-455.
conv_615
Bugarski I. The geomorphological matrix as a starting point for determining the position of avar-time settlements in Pannonia: the example of the Backa region. in Archaologisches Korrespondenzblatt. 2008;38(3):437-455.
conv_615 .
Bugarski, Ivan, "The geomorphological matrix as a starting point for determining the position of avar-time settlements in Pannonia: the example of the Backa region" in Archaologisches Korrespondenzblatt, 38, no. 3 (2008):437-455,
conv_615 .
1
2

Ranisavljev Aleksandar: Ranosrednjovekovna nekropola kod Mokrina, Srpsko arheološko društvo, Beograd, 2007

Bugarski, Ivan

(Srpsko arheološko društvo, Beograd, 2007)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Bugarski, Ivan
PY  - 2007
UR  - http://rai.ai.ac.rs/handle/123456789/91
PB  - Srpsko arheološko društvo, Beograd
T2  - Glasnik Srpskog arheološkog društva
T1  - Ranisavljev Aleksandar: Ranosrednjovekovna nekropola kod Mokrina, Srpsko arheološko društvo, Beograd, 2007
EP  - 446
IS  - 23
SP  - 437
UR  - conv_240
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Bugarski, Ivan",
year = "2007",
publisher = "Srpsko arheološko društvo, Beograd",
journal = "Glasnik Srpskog arheološkog društva",
title = "Ranisavljev Aleksandar: Ranosrednjovekovna nekropola kod Mokrina, Srpsko arheološko društvo, Beograd, 2007",
pages = "446-437",
number = "23",
url = "conv_240"
}
Bugarski, I.. (2007). Ranisavljev Aleksandar: Ranosrednjovekovna nekropola kod Mokrina, Srpsko arheološko društvo, Beograd, 2007. in Glasnik Srpskog arheološkog društva
Srpsko arheološko društvo, Beograd.(23), 437-446.
conv_240
Bugarski I. Ranisavljev Aleksandar: Ranosrednjovekovna nekropola kod Mokrina, Srpsko arheološko društvo, Beograd, 2007. in Glasnik Srpskog arheološkog društva. 2007;(23):437-446.
conv_240 .
Bugarski, Ivan, "Ranisavljev Aleksandar: Ranosrednjovekovna nekropola kod Mokrina, Srpsko arheološko društvo, Beograd, 2007" in Glasnik Srpskog arheološkog društva, no. 23 (2007):437-446,
conv_240 .

Prilog proučavanju lamelarnih oklopa

Bugarski, Ivan

(Arheološki institut, Beograd, 2005)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Bugarski, Ivan
PY  - 2005
UR  - http://rai.ai.ac.rs/handle/123456789/66
AB  - Rad se temelji na nalazima lamelarnih oklopa sa viminacijumskog lokaliteta Svetinja, kojima je već posvećena pažnja u tekstu M. Popovića o tom ranovizantijskom lokalitetu. Nalazi dva oklopa, preciznije njihovih očigledno nespojenih lamelnih nizova, odnosno lamela, potiču sa poda objekta koji je definisan kao kovačnica. Uz njih je, uz prostor oko kuće 2, pronađen manji broj lamela još jednog oklopa. Gvozdene pločice su znatno korodirane i stoga ne pružaju sve podatke koje bi bolje očuvani komadi mogli dati. Ipak, jedan od dva oklopa sa poda kovačnice je u boljem stanju, te je bilo moguće izvršiti određene analize, odnosno poređenja sa najbolje očuvanim ovakvim oklopom, sa nekropole iz Niderštocingena, kojeg je objavio P. Paulsen. Izračunato je da se bolje očuvani oklop sastojao od oko 553 lamele. Do ovog broja se došlo sabiranjem broja očuvanih lamela i količnika ukupne visine fragmenata i prosečne visine jedne lamele. Među pločicama je bilo onih tri veličine: najmanje, visine 7 cm, su najverovatnije bile smeštane u ramenom pojasu oklopa, i u brojčanom su odnosu od 1:4 u odnosu na veće lamele, visine 8,5 cm, koje su pokrivale grudni, stomačni i leđni predeo. Najmanji broj lamela - svega dve kompletno sačuvane - je većih dimenzija, visine 10,5 cm. One su u potpunosti nalik na predstavnike tipa 3 po Paulsenu. Jedna od tih pločica je i najbolje očuvana lamela oklopa, mase od 15,25 g. Gotovo sve pločice su po sredini polukružno ili lučno zasečene; sve su zarubljenih uglova i perforirane. Kroz perforacije različitog rasporeda je vršeno prišivanje lamela, kako međusobno, tako i za postavu. Svođenjem proporcije mase i površine najbolje očuvane lamele sa ukupnom pretpostavljenom površinom lamela, izračunatom putem proizvoda procenjenog broja lamela i prosečne površine jedne, od 14,4 cm2 (prosečne dimenzije jedne pločice su 8 cm h 1,8 cm), izračunato je da su sve lamele težile 5,78 kg. Ova masa ne predstavlja izvornu masu oklopa, jer nedostaju kopče koje su spajale lamelne nizove, ali joj je zasigurno bliska. Tako smo zaključili da je težina oklopa sa Svetinje bila manja od vrednosti koje se navode u literaturi. Ukupna površina lamela takođe, nije jednaka oklopnoj površini, budući da su lamelni oklopi sklapani od horizontalnih nizova lamela u kojima su se one međusobno preklapale za oko 40%. Tako je oklopna površina bolje očuvanog nalaza sa Svetinje 4778 cm2, što je 60% ukupne površine svih pojedinačnih lamela. Prema modelu sa Niderštocingena, pretpostavili smo da su se i nizovi našeg oklopa sastojali od oko 32 međusobno preklopljene pločice, širine do 35 cm. Tako se dalo izračunati da je oklop sa Svetinje bio komponovan od 17 nizova. Za neke od njih smo bili u mogućnosti da predložimo rekonstrukciju. Ovih 17 nizova je bilo opšiveno kožnim oputama, što je potvrđeno i drugde. Nizovi su potom zašivani na uobičajenu kožnu postavu, koju je u tragovima sačuvala korozija preklapajući se odozdo nagore. Sličan je, ali ne i isti, i drugi oklop sa poda kovač- nice, koji je pronađen u daleko lošijem stanju. U gomilama slepljenih lamela je ipak bilo moguće konstatovati i pločice dimenzija do 7,5 cm h 1,5 cm, sa dvostrukim kontinuiranim lučnim zasekom izvedenim po polovni jedne duže strane, kakve ne poznaje Paulsenova tipologija. Ističe se i lamela dimenzija 7,5 cm h 1,5 cm, bez lučnih zaseka. Uz njih, konstatovane su veće lamele koje odgovaraju pomenutim najvećim lamelama sa bolje očuvanog oklopa odnosno Paulsenovom tipu 3. Uz uvažavanje specifičnosti primeraka sa Svetinje, njih je ipak lako povezati sa lamelarnim oklopima kakvi se u vizantijskoj upotrebi javljaju u VI veku. Ovakav tip oklopa, inače duboke geneze i istočnog porekla, Vizantinci tada preuzimaju usled promene načina vođenja bitaka, gde se sve više koriste dalekometni refleksni lukovi i probojne trobridne strele, takođe istočnog porekla. U germansku i avarsku upotrebu ovakvi oklopi uglavnom ulaze u završnom periodu VI veka na početku VII veka. Nalazi sa poda kovačnice sa Svetinje su u potpunosti precizno datovani, u kraj VI veka, u horizont između dva avarska rušenja Viminacijuma onog iz 584. godine i konačnog, koje se dogodilo u nekom trenutku od 593-596. godine. Oni se pouzdano mogu pripisati gepidskoj vojnoj posadi u ranijem napadu već oštećenog bedema ovog lokaliteta. Tako je kontekst nalaza sa Svetinje dvojak, budući da su gepidski federati ove oklope koristili u svojstvu pripadnika vizantijske vojske, planski uklopljenih u odbrambenu strategiju ove oblasti. Ne čini se da su oklopi pronađeni na Svetinji tu i pravljeni. Najpre, nije verovatno da bi vizantijska uprava dozvolila postojanje oružarskog centra na ovom uzburkanom području. Uz to, ni objekat malih dimenzija - oko 3 m h 3 m - definisan kao kovačnica ne može predstavljati oružarsku oficinu. Oklopi pronađeni u kovačnici su od različitih lamela, što je takođe ne nameće za mesto njihove izrade. Tako se pre čini da je u kovačnici za potrebe vojne posade radio oružar koji je oružje popravljao, a ne pravio. Za lamelne oklope sa Svetinje su ponuđene analogije iz ranovizantijskog konteksta, ali i drugih okruženja, uz napomenu da je po prvi put opširnije skrenuta pažnja na nalaz iz Selenče. Iz ranoavarskog groba (?) sa ovog lokaliteta potiču razni interesantni nalazi među kojima i nekoliko fragmentovanih lamela, izrađenih od bronze, kako se navodi u dokumentaciji Muzeja Vojvodine gde se nalazi čuvaju. Nažalost, nismo bili u prilici da vidimo nalaze, ali jesmo u prilici da objavimo pribavljene crteže. Potaknuti nalazom takođe bronzanih oklopnih pločica sa viminacijumskog lokaliteta Lanci (Rudine), a koje smo, uz ogradu, pripisali starijem rimskom tipu oklopa, tipu lorica squamata, sažeto smo predstavili i taj tip defanzivnog oružja, uz naglašavanje sličnosti i razlika u odnosu na poznije, lamelarne oklope. Oba ova tipa su dubokih istočnih korena. Arheološka i pogotovo ikonografska evidencija je bogata. U radu smo se u tom smislu nešto više zadržali na nalazu lamelnog šlema sa, opet Niderštocingena, i njegovom teritorijalno udaljenom ali hronološki bliskom analogijom iz Bokhondonga, iz Južne Koreje, kao i na nalazu telesnog oklopa iz gepidskog groba sa nekropole Kelked-Feketekapu V, na kojoj je germansko stanovništvo sahranjivano ostajući u teritorijalnom zaleđu avarskog Kaganata. U radu je dotaknuto korišćenje lamelarnih oklopa i u kasnijim vekovima, ne samo u vizantijskom kontekstu.
AB  - The work is based on the finds of lamellar armors from the Early Byzantine site Svetinja at Viminacium. In addition to the analysis of the finds we presented also the analogies from Early Byzantine, Germanic and Avar contexts and we also paid attention to the so far insufficiently known find from Selenča. Along the armors we also analyzed the related lamellar helmets. The work includes discussion of the genesis of lamellar armor types - their Oriental origin and their continuance after the 6th century, i.e. the final years of the 6th and the beginning of the 7th century, when lamellar armors were introduced in the Byzantine army and among Germans and Avars as a result of changes in warfare techniques. Finally, we suggest conclusions resulting from the precisely defined context of the Svetinja find.
PB  - Arheološki institut, Beograd
T2  - Starinar
T1  - Prilog proučavanju lamelarnih oklopa
T1  - A contribution to the study of lamellar armors
EP  - 179
IS  - 55
SP  - 161
DO  - 10.2298/STA0555161B
UR  - conv_726
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Bugarski, Ivan",
year = "2005",
abstract = "Rad se temelji na nalazima lamelarnih oklopa sa viminacijumskog lokaliteta Svetinja, kojima je već posvećena pažnja u tekstu M. Popovića o tom ranovizantijskom lokalitetu. Nalazi dva oklopa, preciznije njihovih očigledno nespojenih lamelnih nizova, odnosno lamela, potiču sa poda objekta koji je definisan kao kovačnica. Uz njih je, uz prostor oko kuće 2, pronađen manji broj lamela još jednog oklopa. Gvozdene pločice su znatno korodirane i stoga ne pružaju sve podatke koje bi bolje očuvani komadi mogli dati. Ipak, jedan od dva oklopa sa poda kovačnice je u boljem stanju, te je bilo moguće izvršiti određene analize, odnosno poređenja sa najbolje očuvanim ovakvim oklopom, sa nekropole iz Niderštocingena, kojeg je objavio P. Paulsen. Izračunato je da se bolje očuvani oklop sastojao od oko 553 lamele. Do ovog broja se došlo sabiranjem broja očuvanih lamela i količnika ukupne visine fragmenata i prosečne visine jedne lamele. Među pločicama je bilo onih tri veličine: najmanje, visine 7 cm, su najverovatnije bile smeštane u ramenom pojasu oklopa, i u brojčanom su odnosu od 1:4 u odnosu na veće lamele, visine 8,5 cm, koje su pokrivale grudni, stomačni i leđni predeo. Najmanji broj lamela - svega dve kompletno sačuvane - je većih dimenzija, visine 10,5 cm. One su u potpunosti nalik na predstavnike tipa 3 po Paulsenu. Jedna od tih pločica je i najbolje očuvana lamela oklopa, mase od 15,25 g. Gotovo sve pločice su po sredini polukružno ili lučno zasečene; sve su zarubljenih uglova i perforirane. Kroz perforacije različitog rasporeda je vršeno prišivanje lamela, kako međusobno, tako i za postavu. Svođenjem proporcije mase i površine najbolje očuvane lamele sa ukupnom pretpostavljenom površinom lamela, izračunatom putem proizvoda procenjenog broja lamela i prosečne površine jedne, od 14,4 cm2 (prosečne dimenzije jedne pločice su 8 cm h 1,8 cm), izračunato je da su sve lamele težile 5,78 kg. Ova masa ne predstavlja izvornu masu oklopa, jer nedostaju kopče koje su spajale lamelne nizove, ali joj je zasigurno bliska. Tako smo zaključili da je težina oklopa sa Svetinje bila manja od vrednosti koje se navode u literaturi. Ukupna površina lamela takođe, nije jednaka oklopnoj površini, budući da su lamelni oklopi sklapani od horizontalnih nizova lamela u kojima su se one međusobno preklapale za oko 40%. Tako je oklopna površina bolje očuvanog nalaza sa Svetinje 4778 cm2, što je 60% ukupne površine svih pojedinačnih lamela. Prema modelu sa Niderštocingena, pretpostavili smo da su se i nizovi našeg oklopa sastojali od oko 32 međusobno preklopljene pločice, širine do 35 cm. Tako se dalo izračunati da je oklop sa Svetinje bio komponovan od 17 nizova. Za neke od njih smo bili u mogućnosti da predložimo rekonstrukciju. Ovih 17 nizova je bilo opšiveno kožnim oputama, što je potvrđeno i drugde. Nizovi su potom zašivani na uobičajenu kožnu postavu, koju je u tragovima sačuvala korozija preklapajući se odozdo nagore. Sličan je, ali ne i isti, i drugi oklop sa poda kovač- nice, koji je pronađen u daleko lošijem stanju. U gomilama slepljenih lamela je ipak bilo moguće konstatovati i pločice dimenzija do 7,5 cm h 1,5 cm, sa dvostrukim kontinuiranim lučnim zasekom izvedenim po polovni jedne duže strane, kakve ne poznaje Paulsenova tipologija. Ističe se i lamela dimenzija 7,5 cm h 1,5 cm, bez lučnih zaseka. Uz njih, konstatovane su veće lamele koje odgovaraju pomenutim najvećim lamelama sa bolje očuvanog oklopa odnosno Paulsenovom tipu 3. Uz uvažavanje specifičnosti primeraka sa Svetinje, njih je ipak lako povezati sa lamelarnim oklopima kakvi se u vizantijskoj upotrebi javljaju u VI veku. Ovakav tip oklopa, inače duboke geneze i istočnog porekla, Vizantinci tada preuzimaju usled promene načina vođenja bitaka, gde se sve više koriste dalekometni refleksni lukovi i probojne trobridne strele, takođe istočnog porekla. U germansku i avarsku upotrebu ovakvi oklopi uglavnom ulaze u završnom periodu VI veka na početku VII veka. Nalazi sa poda kovačnice sa Svetinje su u potpunosti precizno datovani, u kraj VI veka, u horizont između dva avarska rušenja Viminacijuma onog iz 584. godine i konačnog, koje se dogodilo u nekom trenutku od 593-596. godine. Oni se pouzdano mogu pripisati gepidskoj vojnoj posadi u ranijem napadu već oštećenog bedema ovog lokaliteta. Tako je kontekst nalaza sa Svetinje dvojak, budući da su gepidski federati ove oklope koristili u svojstvu pripadnika vizantijske vojske, planski uklopljenih u odbrambenu strategiju ove oblasti. Ne čini se da su oklopi pronađeni na Svetinji tu i pravljeni. Najpre, nije verovatno da bi vizantijska uprava dozvolila postojanje oružarskog centra na ovom uzburkanom području. Uz to, ni objekat malih dimenzija - oko 3 m h 3 m - definisan kao kovačnica ne može predstavljati oružarsku oficinu. Oklopi pronađeni u kovačnici su od različitih lamela, što je takođe ne nameće za mesto njihove izrade. Tako se pre čini da je u kovačnici za potrebe vojne posade radio oružar koji je oružje popravljao, a ne pravio. Za lamelne oklope sa Svetinje su ponuđene analogije iz ranovizantijskog konteksta, ali i drugih okruženja, uz napomenu da je po prvi put opširnije skrenuta pažnja na nalaz iz Selenče. Iz ranoavarskog groba (?) sa ovog lokaliteta potiču razni interesantni nalazi među kojima i nekoliko fragmentovanih lamela, izrađenih od bronze, kako se navodi u dokumentaciji Muzeja Vojvodine gde se nalazi čuvaju. Nažalost, nismo bili u prilici da vidimo nalaze, ali jesmo u prilici da objavimo pribavljene crteže. Potaknuti nalazom takođe bronzanih oklopnih pločica sa viminacijumskog lokaliteta Lanci (Rudine), a koje smo, uz ogradu, pripisali starijem rimskom tipu oklopa, tipu lorica squamata, sažeto smo predstavili i taj tip defanzivnog oružja, uz naglašavanje sličnosti i razlika u odnosu na poznije, lamelarne oklope. Oba ova tipa su dubokih istočnih korena. Arheološka i pogotovo ikonografska evidencija je bogata. U radu smo se u tom smislu nešto više zadržali na nalazu lamelnog šlema sa, opet Niderštocingena, i njegovom teritorijalno udaljenom ali hronološki bliskom analogijom iz Bokhondonga, iz Južne Koreje, kao i na nalazu telesnog oklopa iz gepidskog groba sa nekropole Kelked-Feketekapu V, na kojoj je germansko stanovništvo sahranjivano ostajući u teritorijalnom zaleđu avarskog Kaganata. U radu je dotaknuto korišćenje lamelarnih oklopa i u kasnijim vekovima, ne samo u vizantijskom kontekstu., The work is based on the finds of lamellar armors from the Early Byzantine site Svetinja at Viminacium. In addition to the analysis of the finds we presented also the analogies from Early Byzantine, Germanic and Avar contexts and we also paid attention to the so far insufficiently known find from Selenča. Along the armors we also analyzed the related lamellar helmets. The work includes discussion of the genesis of lamellar armor types - their Oriental origin and their continuance after the 6th century, i.e. the final years of the 6th and the beginning of the 7th century, when lamellar armors were introduced in the Byzantine army and among Germans and Avars as a result of changes in warfare techniques. Finally, we suggest conclusions resulting from the precisely defined context of the Svetinja find.",
publisher = "Arheološki institut, Beograd",
journal = "Starinar",
title = "Prilog proučavanju lamelarnih oklopa, A contribution to the study of lamellar armors",
pages = "179-161",
number = "55",
doi = "10.2298/STA0555161B",
url = "conv_726"
}
Bugarski, I.. (2005). Prilog proučavanju lamelarnih oklopa. in Starinar
Arheološki institut, Beograd.(55), 161-179.
https://doi.org/10.2298/STA0555161B
conv_726
Bugarski I. Prilog proučavanju lamelarnih oklopa. in Starinar. 2005;(55):161-179.
doi:10.2298/STA0555161B
conv_726 .
Bugarski, Ivan, "Prilog proučavanju lamelarnih oklopa" in Starinar, no. 55 (2005):161-179,
https://doi.org/10.2298/STA0555161B .,
conv_726 .
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