Ivanišević, Vujadin

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  • Ivanišević, Vujadin (19)
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Author's Bibliography

Integrating Geophysical and Photographic Data to Visualize the Quarried Structures of the Roman Town of Bassianae

Filzwieser, Roland; Ivanišević, Vujadin; Verhoeven, Geert J.; Gugl, Christian; Loecker, Klaus; Bugarski, Ivan; Schiel, Hannes; Wallner, Mario; Trinks, Immo; Trausmuth, Tanja; Hinterleitner, Alois; Marković, Nemanja; Docter, Roald; Daim, Falko; Neubauer, Wolfgang

(Mdpi, Basel, 2021)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Filzwieser, Roland
AU  - Ivanišević, Vujadin
AU  - Verhoeven, Geert J.
AU  - Gugl, Christian
AU  - Loecker, Klaus
AU  - Bugarski, Ivan
AU  - Schiel, Hannes
AU  - Wallner, Mario
AU  - Trinks, Immo
AU  - Trausmuth, Tanja
AU  - Hinterleitner, Alois
AU  - Marković, Nemanja
AU  - Docter, Roald
AU  - Daim, Falko
AU  - Neubauer, Wolfgang
PY  - 2021
UR  - http://rai.ai.ac.rs/handle/123456789/380
AB  - Large parts of the urban layout of the abandoned Roman town of Bassianae (in present-day Serbia) are still discernible on the surface today due to the deliberate and targeted quarrying of the Roman foundations. In 2014, all of the town's intramural (and some extramural) areas were surveyed using aerial photography, ground-penetrating radar, and magnetometry to analyze the site's topography and to map remaining buried structures. The surveys showed a strong agreement between the digital surface model derived from the aerial photographs and the geophysical prospection data. However, many structures could only be detected by one method, underlining the benefits of a complementary archaeological prospection approach using multiple methods. This article presents the results of the extensive surveys and their comprehensive integrative interpretation, discussing Bassianae's ground plan and urban infrastructure. Starting with an overview of this Roman town's research history, we present the details of the triple prospection approach, followed by the processing, integrative analysis, and interpretation of the acquired data sets. Finally, this newly gained information is contrasted with a plan of Roman Bassianae compiled in 1935.
PB  - Mdpi, Basel
T2  - Remote Sensing
T1  - Integrating Geophysical and Photographic Data to Visualize the Quarried Structures of the Roman Town of Bassianae
IS  - 12
VL  - 13
DO  - 10.3390/rs13122384
UR  - conv_333
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Filzwieser, Roland and Ivanišević, Vujadin and Verhoeven, Geert J. and Gugl, Christian and Loecker, Klaus and Bugarski, Ivan and Schiel, Hannes and Wallner, Mario and Trinks, Immo and Trausmuth, Tanja and Hinterleitner, Alois and Marković, Nemanja and Docter, Roald and Daim, Falko and Neubauer, Wolfgang",
year = "2021",
abstract = "Large parts of the urban layout of the abandoned Roman town of Bassianae (in present-day Serbia) are still discernible on the surface today due to the deliberate and targeted quarrying of the Roman foundations. In 2014, all of the town's intramural (and some extramural) areas were surveyed using aerial photography, ground-penetrating radar, and magnetometry to analyze the site's topography and to map remaining buried structures. The surveys showed a strong agreement between the digital surface model derived from the aerial photographs and the geophysical prospection data. However, many structures could only be detected by one method, underlining the benefits of a complementary archaeological prospection approach using multiple methods. This article presents the results of the extensive surveys and their comprehensive integrative interpretation, discussing Bassianae's ground plan and urban infrastructure. Starting with an overview of this Roman town's research history, we present the details of the triple prospection approach, followed by the processing, integrative analysis, and interpretation of the acquired data sets. Finally, this newly gained information is contrasted with a plan of Roman Bassianae compiled in 1935.",
publisher = "Mdpi, Basel",
journal = "Remote Sensing",
title = "Integrating Geophysical and Photographic Data to Visualize the Quarried Structures of the Roman Town of Bassianae",
number = "12",
volume = "13",
doi = "10.3390/rs13122384",
url = "conv_333"
}
Filzwieser, R., Ivanišević, V., Verhoeven, G. J., Gugl, C., Loecker, K., Bugarski, I., Schiel, H., Wallner, M., Trinks, I., Trausmuth, T., Hinterleitner, A., Marković, N., Docter, R., Daim, F.,& Neubauer, W.. (2021). Integrating Geophysical and Photographic Data to Visualize the Quarried Structures of the Roman Town of Bassianae. in Remote Sensing
Mdpi, Basel., 13(12).
https://doi.org/10.3390/rs13122384
conv_333
Filzwieser R, Ivanišević V, Verhoeven GJ, Gugl C, Loecker K, Bugarski I, Schiel H, Wallner M, Trinks I, Trausmuth T, Hinterleitner A, Marković N, Docter R, Daim F, Neubauer W. Integrating Geophysical and Photographic Data to Visualize the Quarried Structures of the Roman Town of Bassianae. in Remote Sensing. 2021;13(12).
doi:10.3390/rs13122384
conv_333 .
Filzwieser, Roland, Ivanišević, Vujadin, Verhoeven, Geert J., Gugl, Christian, Loecker, Klaus, Bugarski, Ivan, Schiel, Hannes, Wallner, Mario, Trinks, Immo, Trausmuth, Tanja, Hinterleitner, Alois, Marković, Nemanja, Docter, Roald, Daim, Falko, Neubauer, Wolfgang, "Integrating Geophysical and Photographic Data to Visualize the Quarried Structures of the Roman Town of Bassianae" in Remote Sensing, 13, no. 12 (2021),
https://doi.org/10.3390/rs13122384 .,
conv_333 .
3
3
1
3

The last caravans in antiquity: Camel remains from Caricin Grad (Justiniana Prima)

Marković, Nemanja; Ivanišević, Vujadin; Baron, Henriette; Lawless, Craig; Buckley, Michael

(Elsevier, Amsterdam, 2021)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Marković, Nemanja
AU  - Ivanišević, Vujadin
AU  - Baron, Henriette
AU  - Lawless, Craig
AU  - Buckley, Michael
PY  - 2021
UR  - http://rai.ai.ac.rs/handle/123456789/379
AB  - Camels played an important role in caravan traffic and long-distance communication during the early Byzantine period as indicated by new findings from Caricin Grad. Excavations at the site revealed the remains of an important early Byzantine city, which has been identified with Justiniana Prima founded in the 530 s by Justinian I (527-565). The city, created ex nihilo, in a rural area in the north-west of the province of Dacia Mediterranea, represents a distinctive example of late urbanisation. Given the existence of the city for only 80 years and the fact that the nearby locality remained uninhabited until modern times, the site has yielded well-preserved monuments and remains of material culture. They allow for a detailed study of the urbanism, architecture, material culture and other aspects of daily life from the second quarter of the 6th century to the beginning of the 7th century. Here we investigate the camel remains discovered in five locations in Caricin Grad. Morphometric and proteomic analyses, including both collagen peptide mass fingerprint analysis (ZooMS) as well as in-depth sequencing, revealed that the majority originate from hybrids of the dromedary and Bactrian camels. Supported by written sources from the Early Byzantine period, it appears as though the use of the Caricin Grad camels was primarily for civilian purposes. These results highlight the complementarity of morphometric and proteomic approaches and their value in better understanding the impact of the early Byzantine economy.
PB  - Elsevier, Amsterdam
T2  - Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports
T1  - The last caravans in antiquity: Camel remains from Caricin Grad (Justiniana Prima)
VL  - 38
DO  - 10.1016/j.jasrep.2021.103038
UR  - conv_334
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Marković, Nemanja and Ivanišević, Vujadin and Baron, Henriette and Lawless, Craig and Buckley, Michael",
year = "2021",
abstract = "Camels played an important role in caravan traffic and long-distance communication during the early Byzantine period as indicated by new findings from Caricin Grad. Excavations at the site revealed the remains of an important early Byzantine city, which has been identified with Justiniana Prima founded in the 530 s by Justinian I (527-565). The city, created ex nihilo, in a rural area in the north-west of the province of Dacia Mediterranea, represents a distinctive example of late urbanisation. Given the existence of the city for only 80 years and the fact that the nearby locality remained uninhabited until modern times, the site has yielded well-preserved monuments and remains of material culture. They allow for a detailed study of the urbanism, architecture, material culture and other aspects of daily life from the second quarter of the 6th century to the beginning of the 7th century. Here we investigate the camel remains discovered in five locations in Caricin Grad. Morphometric and proteomic analyses, including both collagen peptide mass fingerprint analysis (ZooMS) as well as in-depth sequencing, revealed that the majority originate from hybrids of the dromedary and Bactrian camels. Supported by written sources from the Early Byzantine period, it appears as though the use of the Caricin Grad camels was primarily for civilian purposes. These results highlight the complementarity of morphometric and proteomic approaches and their value in better understanding the impact of the early Byzantine economy.",
publisher = "Elsevier, Amsterdam",
journal = "Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports",
title = "The last caravans in antiquity: Camel remains from Caricin Grad (Justiniana Prima)",
volume = "38",
doi = "10.1016/j.jasrep.2021.103038",
url = "conv_334"
}
Marković, N., Ivanišević, V., Baron, H., Lawless, C.,& Buckley, M.. (2021). The last caravans in antiquity: Camel remains from Caricin Grad (Justiniana Prima). in Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports
Elsevier, Amsterdam., 38.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2021.103038
conv_334
Marković N, Ivanišević V, Baron H, Lawless C, Buckley M. The last caravans in antiquity: Camel remains from Caricin Grad (Justiniana Prima). in Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports. 2021;38.
doi:10.1016/j.jasrep.2021.103038
conv_334 .
Marković, Nemanja, Ivanišević, Vujadin, Baron, Henriette, Lawless, Craig, Buckley, Michael, "The last caravans in antiquity: Camel remains from Caricin Grad (Justiniana Prima)" in Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports, 38 (2021),
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2021.103038 .,
conv_334 .
7

Post-antique settlement patterns in the central Balkans: Use of Justinianic landscape in the early middle ages

Ivanišević, Vujadin; Bugarski, Ivan

(Archaeopress, 2019)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Ivanišević, Vujadin
AU  - Bugarski, Ivan
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rai.ai.ac.rs/handle/123456789/327
AB  - The authors examine reoccupation and refortification of the Late Roman and Early Byzantine hinterland hilltop localities in the central Balkans in the 9th and 10th centuries. This process is studied in the best researched area of Ras and its neighbouring territories, stretching between the Lim River in the west and the Ibar in the east and south. The Early Medieval fortifications there reflect the population clustering and the renewal of old communication routes along the major river courses. All these forts were built in the locations of Late Roman/Early Byzantine fortifications by the main artery along the Pešter Plateau, or along the valleys of Raška and Ibar. The Late Antique fortifications situated far from the main roads and deeper into the mountains were left uninhabited in the Early Middle Ages. The refortification of this area and wider territories in the Balkan hinterlands was caused by the 9th-century Bulgarian expansion towards the west and the contemporaneous Serbian advance. One of the issues is to evaluate the model of fortification in the Early Middle Ages and its origins. In mountainous Balkan hinterlands, the geographical features of the terrain were considerably different from those in distant Slavic lands. In the central Balkans, Slavic military architecture drew from Late Roman and Early Byzantine experiences, modifying these patterns according to new needs, which resulted in the development of specific solutions.
PB  - Archaeopress
T2  - Mediterranean Landscapes in Post Antiquity: New frontiers and new perspectives
T1  - Post-antique settlement patterns in the central Balkans: Use of Justinianic landscape in the early middle ages
EP  - 17
SP  - 7
DO  - 10.2307/j.ctvndv6wx.5
UR  - conv_514
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Ivanišević, Vujadin and Bugarski, Ivan",
year = "2019",
abstract = "The authors examine reoccupation and refortification of the Late Roman and Early Byzantine hinterland hilltop localities in the central Balkans in the 9th and 10th centuries. This process is studied in the best researched area of Ras and its neighbouring territories, stretching between the Lim River in the west and the Ibar in the east and south. The Early Medieval fortifications there reflect the population clustering and the renewal of old communication routes along the major river courses. All these forts were built in the locations of Late Roman/Early Byzantine fortifications by the main artery along the Pešter Plateau, or along the valleys of Raška and Ibar. The Late Antique fortifications situated far from the main roads and deeper into the mountains were left uninhabited in the Early Middle Ages. The refortification of this area and wider territories in the Balkan hinterlands was caused by the 9th-century Bulgarian expansion towards the west and the contemporaneous Serbian advance. One of the issues is to evaluate the model of fortification in the Early Middle Ages and its origins. In mountainous Balkan hinterlands, the geographical features of the terrain were considerably different from those in distant Slavic lands. In the central Balkans, Slavic military architecture drew from Late Roman and Early Byzantine experiences, modifying these patterns according to new needs, which resulted in the development of specific solutions.",
publisher = "Archaeopress",
journal = "Mediterranean Landscapes in Post Antiquity: New frontiers and new perspectives",
booktitle = "Post-antique settlement patterns in the central Balkans: Use of Justinianic landscape in the early middle ages",
pages = "17-7",
doi = "10.2307/j.ctvndv6wx.5",
url = "conv_514"
}
Ivanišević, V.,& Bugarski, I.. (2019). Post-antique settlement patterns in the central Balkans: Use of Justinianic landscape in the early middle ages. in Mediterranean Landscapes in Post Antiquity: New frontiers and new perspectives
Archaeopress., 7-17.
https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvndv6wx.5
conv_514
Ivanišević V, Bugarski I. Post-antique settlement patterns in the central Balkans: Use of Justinianic landscape in the early middle ages. in Mediterranean Landscapes in Post Antiquity: New frontiers and new perspectives. 2019;:7-17.
doi:10.2307/j.ctvndv6wx.5
conv_514 .
Ivanišević, Vujadin, Bugarski, Ivan, "Post-antique settlement patterns in the central Balkans: Use of Justinianic landscape in the early middle ages" in Mediterranean Landscapes in Post Antiquity: New frontiers and new perspectives (2019):7-17,
https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvndv6wx.5 .,
conv_514 .

Spoljašnja utvrđenja caričinog grada - vizuelizacija i interpretacija digitalnih modela relje

Ivanišević, Vujadin; Bugarski, Ivan; Stamenković, Aleksandar

(Arheološki institut, Beograd, 2019)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Ivanišević, Vujadin
AU  - Bugarski, Ivan
AU  - Stamenković, Aleksandar
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://rai.ai.ac.rs/handle/123456789/307
AB  - Istraživanja Caričinog grada otpočeta su pre više od jednog stoleća. Pažnja stručnjaka je, iz sasvim razumljivih razloga, pre svega bila usmerena na istraživanja grada, dok su okolna utvrđenja izazivala znatno manje pažnje (sl. 1, 2). Kad je reč o samim iskopavanjima, isto je i danas, ali je primena savremenih metoda arheološke prospekcije i detekcije sa zemlje i iz vazduha, naročito zastupljena u poslednjih desetak godina i praćena terenskom proverom dobijenih podataka, dovela i do važnih saznanja o okolini metropole Severnog Ilirika. U članku se komentarišu objavljena zapažanja prethodnih istraživača - Deroka, Radojčića, Nenadovića, Kondića i Popovića - u svetlu novih podataka. Lidarska snimanja širih zona nalazišta uvedena su u srpsku arheologiju početkom ove decenije, u sklopu učešća Arheološkog instituta u međunarodnom projektu ArchaeoLandscapes Europe. Među prvim skeniranim lokalitetima bio je upravo Caričin grad, sa odličnim rezultatima koje su pratile preliminarne publikacije. Zonom lidarskog snimanja od 12 km² iz 2011. godine, osim samog Caričinog grada, bio je obuhvaćen i deo trase akvedukta, ali i obližnje utvrde Sv. Ilija, Gornje gradište u Svinjarici i Kulište - Jezero. Godine 2015. izvršeno je snimanje prostora površine 4 km² oko utvrđenja u Sekicolu. Iako su i prethodno dobijeni laserski modeli reljefa bez vegetacije bili više nego dovoljni za plodotvornu analizu, u međuvremenu je omogućeno poboljšanje parametara snimanja, pa su ona iz 2015. godine beležila čak 40 tačaka po kvadratnom metru - dvostruko više nego skeniranje terena iz 2011. godine, uz više kontrolnih trajektorija i smanjenu brzinu i visinu leta (tabela 1). Rad na vizuelizaciji dobijenih trodimenzionalnih modela terena odvijao se uz korišćenje različitih tehnika - od standardnih, poput pravljenja dvodimenzionalnih toplotnih mapa pomoću alatke Heatmap u programu QGIS, interpolacije izohipsi (Contour Extraction) i senčenja (hill-shading), do rada u naprednim slobodno dostupnim softverima kao što su Relief Visualisation Toolbox (RVT) i RTIViewer. Funkcija Focal Statistics iz ArcGIS paketa prepoznaje delove terena sa izrazitim visinskim razlikama i pokazuje kontraste u boji, zbog čega se pokazala kao jedna od najuspešnijih u analizi konfiguracije terena, strukture i urbanizma Caričinog grada. Aplikacija ArcScene prikazuje trodimenzionalne digitalne modele iz različitih uglova, a njena alatka Vertical exaggeration of terrain takođe je veoma korisna za naglašavanje blagih promena u terenu. Proces digitalne vizuelizacije je samo korak u raščitavanju i interpretaciji dobijenih podataka, čemu je posvećen preostali deo teksta u kojem je pokazano kako je primena savremene tehnologije snimanja terena iz vazduha dopunila dosadašnja saznanja o fortifikacijama iz najbližeg okruženja Caričinog grada (sl. 4, 5, 7, 8). Utvrda na brdu Sv. Ilija je smeštena neposredno uz Caričin grad, nadzirući istočni prilaz gradu i branu njegovog akumulacionog jezera. Lokalitet je sondažno iskopavan 1976. godine u organizaciji Arheološkog instituta, kada su ustanovljena dva glavna horizonta (sl. 3). Na osnovu graditeljske tehnike (opus mixtum) i pokretnih nalaza, stariji horizont je pouzdano datovan u 6. vek i, verovatno, početak 7. veka, dok pozniji pripada srednjem i novom veku. Vizuelizacija digitalnog modela reljefa, računarskim putem oslobođenog postojeće vegetacije, donela je nove podatke o utvrđenju. Osnova ove trapezoidne fortifikacije sada može lako da se sagleda i premeri. Utvrđenje je zauzimalo 0,21 ha i imalo je ugaone kule, a u digitalnom modelu se uočava i ograda paralelna sa istočnim bedemom, možda palisada, koja je štitila najlakši istočni prilaz. Skretala je ka zapadu, paralelno sa severnim bedemom, dok se zapadno od utvrde uočava prostrana platforma koju oivičavaju dva podzida. Tokom georadarskih snimanja, koja je u proleće 2015. godine izvela ekipa Ludwig Boltzmann Institute for Archaeological Prospection and Virtual Archaeology iz Beča, u centralnom delu utvrđenja je otkrivena velika ranovizantijska bazilika (sl. 4). Utvrđenje Gornje gradište nalazi se u selu Svinjarici, na kilometar jugozapadno od Caričinog grada. Bilo je, a i ostalo je veoma uraslo u vegetaciju, tako da se zapažanja prethodnih istraživača uglavnom zaustavljaju na opisu četvorougaonog rova ispred utvrde i na njenom položaju na trasi akvedukta. Lidarskim snimkom je pak otkrivena šestougaona osnova fortifikacije, sastavljena od zidova dužine oko 30 m i 32 m, koja zauzima istu površinu kao i Sv. Ilija. Uz to, u digitalnom modelu, i u manjoj meri na samom terenu, uočavaju se obrisi dveju velikih građevina. Dok je jedna mogla da služi kao skladište, druga je bila crkva. Tokom obilaska lokaliteta uočili smo veliku količinu šuta od kamena, opeke i maltera. Utvrđenje je bilo opasano rovom i šančevima, što se naročito dobro vidi sa južne strane, gde je rov ukopan u stenu čiji su blokovi nakon vađenja bili ugrađivani u bedeme i, verovatno, druge objekte. Delovi severne trase bedema su, pak, teško oštećeni zemljoradnjom. Jugoistočna sekcija valuma je presečena prilaznim putem, a sa istog odsečka trasa akvedukta može lako da se prati u mikrotopografiji, sve do ugaone kule kroz koju je voda ulazila u Caričin grad. Posebna odlika Gornjeg gradišta jesu masivni zemljani "bastioni" severno i, čini se, zapadno od utvrde (sl. 5). Kulište - Jezero zauzima vrh blagog uspona na kilometar severoistočno od Caričinog grada. Sudeći po površinskim nalazima opeke i kamena, to veoma malo utvrđenje, prečnika oko 18 m, koje je u digitalnom modelu reljefa naznačeno rovovima od vađenja građe, bilo je sazidano u tehnici opus mixtum. Imalo je funkciju osmatračnice, koja je ostala sačuvana i u jednom toponimu, dok drugi naziv upućuje na vodu koja se zadržavala u plitkim depresijama nastalim vađenjem stene za izgradnju bedema, od kojih je najveća četvorougaonog oblika, površine 32 m h 16 m i dubine oko pola metra (sl. 7). Gradište u Sekicolu je podignuto na vrhu i strmim padinama brda nad Caričinskom rekom, oko 3 km severno od Caričinog grada. Utvrđenje se dosta razlikuje od prethodno opisanih. Možda potiče iz 4. veka, da bi u 6. stoleću, u doba izgradnje Justinijane Prime bilo uvećano dogradnjom dvaju spoljnih bedema. Najviša utvrda je trougaone osnove, a na terenu nije potvrđeno da je bila sazidana uz korišćenje opeke i maltera. Njena površina iznosi 0,64 ha. Prethodni istraživači su u istočnom delu te celine zabeležili crkvu, koja se naročito jasno ocrtava u digitalnom modelu, veću građevinu uz njen jugoistočni bedem, kao i slabe obrise drugih zgrada. Naša analiza je dovela do otkrića dva niza zgrada uz bedeme i brojnih građevina između njih. Po lepezastom rasporedu zgrada, posedanje ove utvrde podseća na naselje na severnom platou Caričinog grada. Srednji prsten je skoro dvostruko veći, dok je donja utvrda, pridodata na severoistočnoj strani, iste površine kao i najviša. U njenom jugoistočnom kraju nalazi se pravougaona građevina dimenzija 32 m h 16 m - možda cisterna. Ukupna površina Gradišta u Sekicolu je 2,5 ha. Ispred donjeg utvrđenja nalazi se rov, koji se u pojedinim partijama vidi samo u digitalnom modelu, dok je na terenu neprepoznatljiv (sl. 8). Sa svojim spoljnim prstenom utvrda, Caričin grad se razlikuje od drugih utvrđenja u Iliriku. Velika građevinska aktivnost u ruralnom zaleđu Sredozemne Dakije nije bila ograničena na podizanje nove metropole, već je podrazumevala i izgradnju infrastrukturnih postrojenja kao što su akvedukt i brana. Četiri ispitana utvrđenja predstavljala su deo jedinstvenog graditeljskog programa Justinijane Prime, o čemu svedoči i primenjena tehnika zidanja sa opekama i malterom. U istorijskim izvorima nema puno podataka o manjim utvrdama pokraj gradova. Veća utvrđenja, frurioni poput Gradišta u Sekicolu i Rujkovca/Radinovca, mogli su da u slučaju opasnosti prihvate trupe koje bi iz njih napadale neprijateljsku pozadinu i opsadne sprave. U to vreme, vojnici su često stanovali sa svojim porodicama. Ostala tri utvrđenja imala su različite funkcije. Kulište - Jezero bila je dobro postavljena osmatračnica, kakve su uobičajene u rimskom vojnom graditeljstvu, koja je imala vizuelnu komunikaciju sa Caričinim gradom, Sv. Ilijom i svinjaričkim Gradištem, ali ne i s većim utvrdama u Sekicolu i Rujkovcu/Radinovcu. Utvrđenja na Sv. Iliji i u Svinjarici su, poput refugijuma, mogla da zbrinu živalj u teškim vremenima. Ipak, Sv. Ilija je izvorno imao drugu namenu. Velika bazilika otkrivena prilikom georadarskih snimanja zauzimala je čak četvrtinu utvrde, a postojanje zgrada uz bedeme snaži pretpostavku da je reč o utvrđenom manastiru. Pored toga, u svom opisu Justinijane Prime Prokopije navodi da je car ovaj grad podigao pored svog rodnog sela koje je obzidao i od njega načinio kvadriburgijum, očigledno kao deo jedinstvenog graditeljskog programa. Poznati su još neki utvrđeni manastiri koji su podignuti za vlade cara Justinijana, od kojih je Sv. Iliji najsličniji onaj u Justinijani Sekundi, dotadašnjoj Ulpijani. Na to da Sv. Ilija nije predstavljao klasično vojno utvrđenje upućuje i naša analiza vidljivosti, koja pokazuje da je pogled sa te tačke veoma ograničen. Prema istoj analizi, Gornje gradište u Svinjarici je nadziralo sela i radionice u okolini grada, kao i akvedukt (sl. 11). Detaljno razrađen odbrambeni sistem Justinijane Prime sastojao se od nekoliko prstenova gradskih utvrda sa najmanje 40 kula, rovova, palisada i spoljašnjeg prstena fortifikacija, koji je obuhvatao, pre svega, ovde komentarisana utvrđenja. Odbrambena postrojenja novoustanovljene metropole i način na koji su se ona prilagodila topografiji predstavljaju izuzetan primer ranovizantijskog vojnog graditeljstva. Buduća istraživanja bi sigurno obezbedila pouzdanije podatke o njihovoj hronologiji i funkciji i tako nadogradila izuzetne rezultate lidarskih i geofizičkih snimanja, što bi doprinelo i jasnijem sagledavanju samog Caričinog grada.
AB  - The erection of a new polis, Justiniana Prima, on the site of Caričin Grad, was part of a larger engineering project in a rural hilly setting of the western areas of Dacia Mediterranea, which had also included the construction of nearby fortlets. The article presents LiDAR data which has provided new information related to their ground-plan and dimensions. Located in a 12 km² area around the metropolis, St Elias, Kulište-Jezero and Gornje Gradište in Svinjarica were LiDAR scanned in 2011, while the Sekicol fort, with its 4 km²surroundings, was subjected to the same technology in 2015. Our analysis of the outer fortifications of Justiniana Prima is based on a visualisation of the obtained digital terrain models and field observations; in the case of the St Elias fort, we also used the results of the 1976 excavations. These fortlets had manifold functions. On the one hand, they overlooked the approaches to the city and its infrastructure - Kulište-Jezero was a watchtower - and on the other, they also served as shelters for the local population - refugia. In the middle of the St Elias fort there was a large three-nave church; this may well have been a fortified monastery. Future research of these forts should provide more detailed information on their chronology and function, complement the outstanding results of the LiDAR and geophysical surveys, and contribute to a better understanding of Justiniana Prima itself.
PB  - Arheološki institut, Beograd
T2  - Starinar
T1  - Spoljašnja utvrđenja caričinog grada - vizuelizacija i interpretacija digitalnih modela relje
T1  - The outer forts of Caričin grad: Visualisation of digital terrain models and interpretation
EP  - 317
IS  - 69
SP  - 297
DO  - 10.2298/STa1969297i
UR  - conv_123
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Ivanišević, Vujadin and Bugarski, Ivan and Stamenković, Aleksandar",
year = "2019",
abstract = "Istraživanja Caričinog grada otpočeta su pre više od jednog stoleća. Pažnja stručnjaka je, iz sasvim razumljivih razloga, pre svega bila usmerena na istraživanja grada, dok su okolna utvrđenja izazivala znatno manje pažnje (sl. 1, 2). Kad je reč o samim iskopavanjima, isto je i danas, ali je primena savremenih metoda arheološke prospekcije i detekcije sa zemlje i iz vazduha, naročito zastupljena u poslednjih desetak godina i praćena terenskom proverom dobijenih podataka, dovela i do važnih saznanja o okolini metropole Severnog Ilirika. U članku se komentarišu objavljena zapažanja prethodnih istraživača - Deroka, Radojčića, Nenadovića, Kondića i Popovića - u svetlu novih podataka. Lidarska snimanja širih zona nalazišta uvedena su u srpsku arheologiju početkom ove decenije, u sklopu učešća Arheološkog instituta u međunarodnom projektu ArchaeoLandscapes Europe. Među prvim skeniranim lokalitetima bio je upravo Caričin grad, sa odličnim rezultatima koje su pratile preliminarne publikacije. Zonom lidarskog snimanja od 12 km² iz 2011. godine, osim samog Caričinog grada, bio je obuhvaćen i deo trase akvedukta, ali i obližnje utvrde Sv. Ilija, Gornje gradište u Svinjarici i Kulište - Jezero. Godine 2015. izvršeno je snimanje prostora površine 4 km² oko utvrđenja u Sekicolu. Iako su i prethodno dobijeni laserski modeli reljefa bez vegetacije bili više nego dovoljni za plodotvornu analizu, u međuvremenu je omogućeno poboljšanje parametara snimanja, pa su ona iz 2015. godine beležila čak 40 tačaka po kvadratnom metru - dvostruko više nego skeniranje terena iz 2011. godine, uz više kontrolnih trajektorija i smanjenu brzinu i visinu leta (tabela 1). Rad na vizuelizaciji dobijenih trodimenzionalnih modela terena odvijao se uz korišćenje različitih tehnika - od standardnih, poput pravljenja dvodimenzionalnih toplotnih mapa pomoću alatke Heatmap u programu QGIS, interpolacije izohipsi (Contour Extraction) i senčenja (hill-shading), do rada u naprednim slobodno dostupnim softverima kao što su Relief Visualisation Toolbox (RVT) i RTIViewer. Funkcija Focal Statistics iz ArcGIS paketa prepoznaje delove terena sa izrazitim visinskim razlikama i pokazuje kontraste u boji, zbog čega se pokazala kao jedna od najuspešnijih u analizi konfiguracije terena, strukture i urbanizma Caričinog grada. Aplikacija ArcScene prikazuje trodimenzionalne digitalne modele iz različitih uglova, a njena alatka Vertical exaggeration of terrain takođe je veoma korisna za naglašavanje blagih promena u terenu. Proces digitalne vizuelizacije je samo korak u raščitavanju i interpretaciji dobijenih podataka, čemu je posvećen preostali deo teksta u kojem je pokazano kako je primena savremene tehnologije snimanja terena iz vazduha dopunila dosadašnja saznanja o fortifikacijama iz najbližeg okruženja Caričinog grada (sl. 4, 5, 7, 8). Utvrda na brdu Sv. Ilija je smeštena neposredno uz Caričin grad, nadzirući istočni prilaz gradu i branu njegovog akumulacionog jezera. Lokalitet je sondažno iskopavan 1976. godine u organizaciji Arheološkog instituta, kada su ustanovljena dva glavna horizonta (sl. 3). Na osnovu graditeljske tehnike (opus mixtum) i pokretnih nalaza, stariji horizont je pouzdano datovan u 6. vek i, verovatno, početak 7. veka, dok pozniji pripada srednjem i novom veku. Vizuelizacija digitalnog modela reljefa, računarskim putem oslobođenog postojeće vegetacije, donela je nove podatke o utvrđenju. Osnova ove trapezoidne fortifikacije sada može lako da se sagleda i premeri. Utvrđenje je zauzimalo 0,21 ha i imalo je ugaone kule, a u digitalnom modelu se uočava i ograda paralelna sa istočnim bedemom, možda palisada, koja je štitila najlakši istočni prilaz. Skretala je ka zapadu, paralelno sa severnim bedemom, dok se zapadno od utvrde uočava prostrana platforma koju oivičavaju dva podzida. Tokom georadarskih snimanja, koja je u proleće 2015. godine izvela ekipa Ludwig Boltzmann Institute for Archaeological Prospection and Virtual Archaeology iz Beča, u centralnom delu utvrđenja je otkrivena velika ranovizantijska bazilika (sl. 4). Utvrđenje Gornje gradište nalazi se u selu Svinjarici, na kilometar jugozapadno od Caričinog grada. Bilo je, a i ostalo je veoma uraslo u vegetaciju, tako da se zapažanja prethodnih istraživača uglavnom zaustavljaju na opisu četvorougaonog rova ispred utvrde i na njenom položaju na trasi akvedukta. Lidarskim snimkom je pak otkrivena šestougaona osnova fortifikacije, sastavljena od zidova dužine oko 30 m i 32 m, koja zauzima istu površinu kao i Sv. Ilija. Uz to, u digitalnom modelu, i u manjoj meri na samom terenu, uočavaju se obrisi dveju velikih građevina. Dok je jedna mogla da služi kao skladište, druga je bila crkva. Tokom obilaska lokaliteta uočili smo veliku količinu šuta od kamena, opeke i maltera. Utvrđenje je bilo opasano rovom i šančevima, što se naročito dobro vidi sa južne strane, gde je rov ukopan u stenu čiji su blokovi nakon vađenja bili ugrađivani u bedeme i, verovatno, druge objekte. Delovi severne trase bedema su, pak, teško oštećeni zemljoradnjom. Jugoistočna sekcija valuma je presečena prilaznim putem, a sa istog odsečka trasa akvedukta može lako da se prati u mikrotopografiji, sve do ugaone kule kroz koju je voda ulazila u Caričin grad. Posebna odlika Gornjeg gradišta jesu masivni zemljani "bastioni" severno i, čini se, zapadno od utvrde (sl. 5). Kulište - Jezero zauzima vrh blagog uspona na kilometar severoistočno od Caričinog grada. Sudeći po površinskim nalazima opeke i kamena, to veoma malo utvrđenje, prečnika oko 18 m, koje je u digitalnom modelu reljefa naznačeno rovovima od vađenja građe, bilo je sazidano u tehnici opus mixtum. Imalo je funkciju osmatračnice, koja je ostala sačuvana i u jednom toponimu, dok drugi naziv upućuje na vodu koja se zadržavala u plitkim depresijama nastalim vađenjem stene za izgradnju bedema, od kojih je najveća četvorougaonog oblika, površine 32 m h 16 m i dubine oko pola metra (sl. 7). Gradište u Sekicolu je podignuto na vrhu i strmim padinama brda nad Caričinskom rekom, oko 3 km severno od Caričinog grada. Utvrđenje se dosta razlikuje od prethodno opisanih. Možda potiče iz 4. veka, da bi u 6. stoleću, u doba izgradnje Justinijane Prime bilo uvećano dogradnjom dvaju spoljnih bedema. Najviša utvrda je trougaone osnove, a na terenu nije potvrđeno da je bila sazidana uz korišćenje opeke i maltera. Njena površina iznosi 0,64 ha. Prethodni istraživači su u istočnom delu te celine zabeležili crkvu, koja se naročito jasno ocrtava u digitalnom modelu, veću građevinu uz njen jugoistočni bedem, kao i slabe obrise drugih zgrada. Naša analiza je dovela do otkrića dva niza zgrada uz bedeme i brojnih građevina između njih. Po lepezastom rasporedu zgrada, posedanje ove utvrde podseća na naselje na severnom platou Caričinog grada. Srednji prsten je skoro dvostruko veći, dok je donja utvrda, pridodata na severoistočnoj strani, iste površine kao i najviša. U njenom jugoistočnom kraju nalazi se pravougaona građevina dimenzija 32 m h 16 m - možda cisterna. Ukupna površina Gradišta u Sekicolu je 2,5 ha. Ispred donjeg utvrđenja nalazi se rov, koji se u pojedinim partijama vidi samo u digitalnom modelu, dok je na terenu neprepoznatljiv (sl. 8). Sa svojim spoljnim prstenom utvrda, Caričin grad se razlikuje od drugih utvrđenja u Iliriku. Velika građevinska aktivnost u ruralnom zaleđu Sredozemne Dakije nije bila ograničena na podizanje nove metropole, već je podrazumevala i izgradnju infrastrukturnih postrojenja kao što su akvedukt i brana. Četiri ispitana utvrđenja predstavljala su deo jedinstvenog graditeljskog programa Justinijane Prime, o čemu svedoči i primenjena tehnika zidanja sa opekama i malterom. U istorijskim izvorima nema puno podataka o manjim utvrdama pokraj gradova. Veća utvrđenja, frurioni poput Gradišta u Sekicolu i Rujkovca/Radinovca, mogli su da u slučaju opasnosti prihvate trupe koje bi iz njih napadale neprijateljsku pozadinu i opsadne sprave. U to vreme, vojnici su često stanovali sa svojim porodicama. Ostala tri utvrđenja imala su različite funkcije. Kulište - Jezero bila je dobro postavljena osmatračnica, kakve su uobičajene u rimskom vojnom graditeljstvu, koja je imala vizuelnu komunikaciju sa Caričinim gradom, Sv. Ilijom i svinjaričkim Gradištem, ali ne i s većim utvrdama u Sekicolu i Rujkovcu/Radinovcu. Utvrđenja na Sv. Iliji i u Svinjarici su, poput refugijuma, mogla da zbrinu živalj u teškim vremenima. Ipak, Sv. Ilija je izvorno imao drugu namenu. Velika bazilika otkrivena prilikom georadarskih snimanja zauzimala je čak četvrtinu utvrde, a postojanje zgrada uz bedeme snaži pretpostavku da je reč o utvrđenom manastiru. Pored toga, u svom opisu Justinijane Prime Prokopije navodi da je car ovaj grad podigao pored svog rodnog sela koje je obzidao i od njega načinio kvadriburgijum, očigledno kao deo jedinstvenog graditeljskog programa. Poznati su još neki utvrđeni manastiri koji su podignuti za vlade cara Justinijana, od kojih je Sv. Iliji najsličniji onaj u Justinijani Sekundi, dotadašnjoj Ulpijani. Na to da Sv. Ilija nije predstavljao klasično vojno utvrđenje upućuje i naša analiza vidljivosti, koja pokazuje da je pogled sa te tačke veoma ograničen. Prema istoj analizi, Gornje gradište u Svinjarici je nadziralo sela i radionice u okolini grada, kao i akvedukt (sl. 11). Detaljno razrađen odbrambeni sistem Justinijane Prime sastojao se od nekoliko prstenova gradskih utvrda sa najmanje 40 kula, rovova, palisada i spoljašnjeg prstena fortifikacija, koji je obuhvatao, pre svega, ovde komentarisana utvrđenja. Odbrambena postrojenja novoustanovljene metropole i način na koji su se ona prilagodila topografiji predstavljaju izuzetan primer ranovizantijskog vojnog graditeljstva. Buduća istraživanja bi sigurno obezbedila pouzdanije podatke o njihovoj hronologiji i funkciji i tako nadogradila izuzetne rezultate lidarskih i geofizičkih snimanja, što bi doprinelo i jasnijem sagledavanju samog Caričinog grada., The erection of a new polis, Justiniana Prima, on the site of Caričin Grad, was part of a larger engineering project in a rural hilly setting of the western areas of Dacia Mediterranea, which had also included the construction of nearby fortlets. The article presents LiDAR data which has provided new information related to their ground-plan and dimensions. Located in a 12 km² area around the metropolis, St Elias, Kulište-Jezero and Gornje Gradište in Svinjarica were LiDAR scanned in 2011, while the Sekicol fort, with its 4 km²surroundings, was subjected to the same technology in 2015. Our analysis of the outer fortifications of Justiniana Prima is based on a visualisation of the obtained digital terrain models and field observations; in the case of the St Elias fort, we also used the results of the 1976 excavations. These fortlets had manifold functions. On the one hand, they overlooked the approaches to the city and its infrastructure - Kulište-Jezero was a watchtower - and on the other, they also served as shelters for the local population - refugia. In the middle of the St Elias fort there was a large three-nave church; this may well have been a fortified monastery. Future research of these forts should provide more detailed information on their chronology and function, complement the outstanding results of the LiDAR and geophysical surveys, and contribute to a better understanding of Justiniana Prima itself.",
publisher = "Arheološki institut, Beograd",
journal = "Starinar",
title = "Spoljašnja utvrđenja caričinog grada - vizuelizacija i interpretacija digitalnih modela relje, The outer forts of Caričin grad: Visualisation of digital terrain models and interpretation",
pages = "317-297",
number = "69",
doi = "10.2298/STa1969297i",
url = "conv_123"
}
Ivanišević, V., Bugarski, I.,& Stamenković, A.. (2019). Spoljašnja utvrđenja caričinog grada - vizuelizacija i interpretacija digitalnih modela relje. in Starinar
Arheološki institut, Beograd.(69), 297-317.
https://doi.org/10.2298/STa1969297i
conv_123
Ivanišević V, Bugarski I, Stamenković A. Spoljašnja utvrđenja caričinog grada - vizuelizacija i interpretacija digitalnih modela relje. in Starinar. 2019;(69):297-317.
doi:10.2298/STa1969297i
conv_123 .
Ivanišević, Vujadin, Bugarski, Ivan, Stamenković, Aleksandar, "Spoljašnja utvrđenja caričinog grada - vizuelizacija i interpretacija digitalnih modela relje" in Starinar, no. 69 (2019):297-317,
https://doi.org/10.2298/STa1969297i .,
conv_123 .

Sixth-Century Foederati from the Upper Moesian Limes: Weapons in a Social Context

Bugarski, Ivan; Ivanišević, Vujadin

(Belgrade : Institute of Archaeology, 2018)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Bugarski, Ivan
AU  - Ivanišević, Vujadin
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://rai.ai.ac.rs/handle/123456789/401
AB  - In this article we present some of the most characteristic possessions (and status
symbols) of sixth-century Germanic foederati in the Upper Moesian limes – their
weapons. According to archaeological dating and historical records, the finds from
the Jakovo, Batajnica, Singidunum, Margum and Viminacium cemeteries may be
first ascribed to the Heruli, settled in the area from c. 512. The article studies weapon
combinations in graves and recapitulates Herulic military practices. Our evidence
reveals a clearly differentiated and internally stratified community with a privileged
position, derived from its role in the defence of the border and engagement in numerous
military campaigns of the Empire.
PB  - Belgrade : Institute of Archaeology
T2  - Vivere Militare Est : From Populus to Emperors - Living on the Frontier
T1  - Sixth-Century Foederati from the Upper Moesian Limes: Weapons in a Social Context
EP  - 332
SP  - 291
VL  - 1
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Bugarski, Ivan and Ivanišević, Vujadin",
year = "2018",
abstract = "In this article we present some of the most characteristic possessions (and status
symbols) of sixth-century Germanic foederati in the Upper Moesian limes – their
weapons. According to archaeological dating and historical records, the finds from
the Jakovo, Batajnica, Singidunum, Margum and Viminacium cemeteries may be
first ascribed to the Heruli, settled in the area from c. 512. The article studies weapon
combinations in graves and recapitulates Herulic military practices. Our evidence
reveals a clearly differentiated and internally stratified community with a privileged
position, derived from its role in the defence of the border and engagement in numerous
military campaigns of the Empire.",
publisher = "Belgrade : Institute of Archaeology",
journal = "Vivere Militare Est : From Populus to Emperors - Living on the Frontier",
booktitle = "Sixth-Century Foederati from the Upper Moesian Limes: Weapons in a Social Context",
pages = "332-291",
volume = "1"
}
Bugarski, I.,& Ivanišević, V.. (2018). Sixth-Century Foederati from the Upper Moesian Limes: Weapons in a Social Context. in Vivere Militare Est : From Populus to Emperors - Living on the Frontier
Belgrade : Institute of Archaeology., 1, 291-332.
Bugarski I, Ivanišević V. Sixth-Century Foederati from the Upper Moesian Limes: Weapons in a Social Context. in Vivere Militare Est : From Populus to Emperors - Living on the Frontier. 2018;1:291-332..
Bugarski, Ivan, Ivanišević, Vujadin, "Sixth-Century Foederati from the Upper Moesian Limes: Weapons in a Social Context" in Vivere Militare Est : From Populus to Emperors - Living on the Frontier, 1 (2018):291-332.

New Byzantine seals from Morava (Margum) and Braničevo

Ivanišević, Vujadin; Krsmanović, Bojana

(Arheološki institut, Beograd, 2018)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Ivanišević, Vujadin
AU  - Krsmanović, Bojana
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://rai.ai.ac.rs/handle/123456789/277
AB  - The authors present new finds of Byzantine lead seals at Morava (Margum),
   Braničevo and the broader area around them. The seals from Morava and
   Braničevo were unearthed in the course of archaeological excavations, which
   make these finds particularly important. Significant among them is the seal
   from Morava, which belonged to Symeon (?), magister and logothete of the
   dromos, from the end of the tenth century, which indicates the presence of
   Byzantine officials in Morava and the establishment of Byzantine authority
   along the north-western Danubian border following the fall of the Bulgarian
   empire in 971. Three new seals from Braničevo complement the list of
   Byzantine officials in connection with the events on the Danubian border in
   the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The seals found in the broader area of
   Brani~evo should also be added to this list. Of particular significance among
   them is the seal of Georgios Palaiologos Doukas Komnenos, megas
   hetaireiarches, a well known historical figure involved in events in Hungary,
   Serbia and on the Danubian border in the 1160s.
PB  - Arheološki institut, Beograd
T2  - Starinar
T1  - New Byzantine seals from Morava (Margum) and Braničevo
EP  - 124
IS  - 68
SP  - 111
DO  - 10.2298/STA1868111I
UR  - conv_760
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Ivanišević, Vujadin and Krsmanović, Bojana",
year = "2018",
abstract = "The authors present new finds of Byzantine lead seals at Morava (Margum),
   Braničevo and the broader area around them. The seals from Morava and
   Braničevo were unearthed in the course of archaeological excavations, which
   make these finds particularly important. Significant among them is the seal
   from Morava, which belonged to Symeon (?), magister and logothete of the
   dromos, from the end of the tenth century, which indicates the presence of
   Byzantine officials in Morava and the establishment of Byzantine authority
   along the north-western Danubian border following the fall of the Bulgarian
   empire in 971. Three new seals from Braničevo complement the list of
   Byzantine officials in connection with the events on the Danubian border in
   the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The seals found in the broader area of
   Brani~evo should also be added to this list. Of particular significance among
   them is the seal of Georgios Palaiologos Doukas Komnenos, megas
   hetaireiarches, a well known historical figure involved in events in Hungary,
   Serbia and on the Danubian border in the 1160s.",
publisher = "Arheološki institut, Beograd",
journal = "Starinar",
title = "New Byzantine seals from Morava (Margum) and Braničevo",
pages = "124-111",
number = "68",
doi = "10.2298/STA1868111I",
url = "conv_760"
}
Ivanišević, V.,& Krsmanović, B.. (2018). New Byzantine seals from Morava (Margum) and Braničevo. in Starinar
Arheološki institut, Beograd.(68), 111-124.
https://doi.org/10.2298/STA1868111I
conv_760
Ivanišević V, Krsmanović B. New Byzantine seals from Morava (Margum) and Braničevo. in Starinar. 2018;(68):111-124.
doi:10.2298/STA1868111I
conv_760 .
Ivanišević, Vujadin, Krsmanović, Bojana, "New Byzantine seals from Morava (Margum) and Braničevo" in Starinar, no. 68 (2018):111-124,
https://doi.org/10.2298/STA1868111I .,
conv_760 .
3
1

Primena istorijsko-arheološkog geografskog informacionog sistema u istraživanjima Caričinog grada i okoline

Ivanišević, Vujadin; Bugarski, Ivan; Stamenković, Aleksandar

(Zavod za zaštitu spomenika kulture Srbije, Beograd, 2018)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Ivanišević, Vujadin
AU  - Bugarski, Ivan
AU  - Stamenković, Aleksandar
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://rai.ai.ac.rs/handle/123456789/275
AB  - U radu se opisuje struktura istorijsko-arheološkog geografskog informacionog sistema u koji se pohranjuju podaci sa istraživanja Caričinog grada i njegove šire okoline. IAGIS Caričinog grada sadrži veoma brojne podatke, koji potiču sa starih i novih istraživanja, pri čemu se stari podaci -aero-fotografije, situacioni planovi, osnove istraženih objekata i prostorni raspored pokretnih arheoloških nalazaprevode u jedinstveni koordinatni sistem i tako postaju podložni raznovrsnim analizama u kreiranom geografskom prostoru baze. Analize omogućavaju kako izradu novih i znatno potpunijih situacionih planova lokaliteta, tako i uže određenje njegovih hronoloških faza. Na širem planu, rad u našoj bazi pospešuje analize naseljavanja i korišćenja prostora Leskovačke kotline ne samo u vreme života Justinijane Prime već i u prethodnim i kasnijim epohama. Osim opisa građe koja je uključena u bazu i sažeto predstavljenih rezultata dela dosadašnjih analiza, u članku se nagoveštavaju i osnovni pravci budućeg razvoja IAGIS-a Caričinog grada.
AB  - The syntagms Historical Geographic Information System (historical GIS, HGIS) and Archaeological Geographic Information System (archaeological GIS, AGIS) denote specific GIS databases on historical landscapes, events and changes, and on archaeological monuments and sites. Within their environment, data can be arranged, integrated and displayed in new, significantly faster and easier ways than the traditional ones. Because of the possibility of cross-referencing data of different nature, these databases do not constitute mere clusters of separate types of information, but a rather suitable tool for carrying out different analyses. The database developed within the scope of the Caričin Grad Project was set up in 2011 on the basis of the materials collected and digitalised over a longer period of time. Depending on the course of research, the interests of the scholars involved and the topics of several international inter-disciplinary projects, it contains both broader historical and more narrowly relevant archaeological data. Along with the abundant cartographic materials, in order to understand the diachronic settlement processes in the wider region of the Leskovac basin, our database maps prehistoric, Roman and medieval sites; these last ones on the basis of both archaeological finds and written sources. The other components of the Caričin Grad database mostly are usually of a strictly archaeological character. Still, primarily because of the detailed mapping and the systematic application of modern sensing and detection methods - mainly the LIDAR and geophysical surveys - an increasingly clearer picture is emerging of the historical landscape of the 6th century and the surroundings of Justiniana Prima. Therefore, our database may be considered an extended AGIS database, that is, the HAGIS database. It is noteworthy that the syntagm historical-archaeological geographic information system(s) is actually rather new. As far as we know, it has been mentioned in this form only in the context of mapping heterogeneous sources, written and archaeological, within the scope of a Russian GIS database. Our integrated historical-archaeological geographic information system has been established to store all available materials, from the first records of the site to contemporary satellite images. The basic task was to create a complex database of maps, satellite and LIDAR images, digital terrain models, aerial photographs, orthophotographs, geophysical and archaeological plans, field sketches, theodolite and GPS measurements from the excavations and field surveys, etc., and their translation into a unique coordinate system. The HAGIS for Caričin Grad has been designed within a QGIS platform. To successfully use the databases in the GIS, they must be precisely oriented and therefore one of the most important steps is to translate the data into a single coordinate system and projection. In our case, we have adopted a new reference system ETRS89 and the UTM projection. By combining the data in the geographic information system and using different tools within the software packages it is possible to carry out numerous spatial and statistical analyses. The application of these systems has enabled visualisation, analysis and interpretation both of the ground plan of Caričin Grad and its broader environs, and of small archaeological finds. The GIS tools allow us to carry out complex statistical analyses, as well as simple visual presentations of the distribution maps. On the basis of the data, to which we have ascribed certain attributes, it is possible to monitor changes in the landscape, population movements, their relation with the environment and to track anthropogenic changes in different periods. We have focused part of our explorations of Caričin Grad and its broader environs on recognising and studying settlement patterns and on creating settlement models for different periods. With the data at our disposal, it is possible to recognise settlement patterns within the GIS, their location and spatial logic, distribution models, as well as the features of individual sites. Along with this, it is possible to reconstruct the social-economic connections, similarities and differences in particular micro-regions, and to create threedimensional models which improve visualisation and presentation of all materials. Through further processing, our HAGIS database will fully develop into a spatial-temporal, 4D GIS database.
PB  - Zavod za zaštitu spomenika kulture Srbije, Beograd
T2  - Saopštenja, Republički zavod za zaštitu spomenika kulture
T1  - Primena istorijsko-arheološkog geografskog informacionog sistema u istraživanjima Caričinog grada i okoline
T1  - Application of historical-archaeological geographic information system in the research of Caričin grad and its environs
EP  - 279
IS  - 50
SP  - 259
UR  - conv_278
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Ivanišević, Vujadin and Bugarski, Ivan and Stamenković, Aleksandar",
year = "2018",
abstract = "U radu se opisuje struktura istorijsko-arheološkog geografskog informacionog sistema u koji se pohranjuju podaci sa istraživanja Caričinog grada i njegove šire okoline. IAGIS Caričinog grada sadrži veoma brojne podatke, koji potiču sa starih i novih istraživanja, pri čemu se stari podaci -aero-fotografije, situacioni planovi, osnove istraženih objekata i prostorni raspored pokretnih arheoloških nalazaprevode u jedinstveni koordinatni sistem i tako postaju podložni raznovrsnim analizama u kreiranom geografskom prostoru baze. Analize omogućavaju kako izradu novih i znatno potpunijih situacionih planova lokaliteta, tako i uže određenje njegovih hronoloških faza. Na širem planu, rad u našoj bazi pospešuje analize naseljavanja i korišćenja prostora Leskovačke kotline ne samo u vreme života Justinijane Prime već i u prethodnim i kasnijim epohama. Osim opisa građe koja je uključena u bazu i sažeto predstavljenih rezultata dela dosadašnjih analiza, u članku se nagoveštavaju i osnovni pravci budućeg razvoja IAGIS-a Caričinog grada., The syntagms Historical Geographic Information System (historical GIS, HGIS) and Archaeological Geographic Information System (archaeological GIS, AGIS) denote specific GIS databases on historical landscapes, events and changes, and on archaeological monuments and sites. Within their environment, data can be arranged, integrated and displayed in new, significantly faster and easier ways than the traditional ones. Because of the possibility of cross-referencing data of different nature, these databases do not constitute mere clusters of separate types of information, but a rather suitable tool for carrying out different analyses. The database developed within the scope of the Caričin Grad Project was set up in 2011 on the basis of the materials collected and digitalised over a longer period of time. Depending on the course of research, the interests of the scholars involved and the topics of several international inter-disciplinary projects, it contains both broader historical and more narrowly relevant archaeological data. Along with the abundant cartographic materials, in order to understand the diachronic settlement processes in the wider region of the Leskovac basin, our database maps prehistoric, Roman and medieval sites; these last ones on the basis of both archaeological finds and written sources. The other components of the Caričin Grad database mostly are usually of a strictly archaeological character. Still, primarily because of the detailed mapping and the systematic application of modern sensing and detection methods - mainly the LIDAR and geophysical surveys - an increasingly clearer picture is emerging of the historical landscape of the 6th century and the surroundings of Justiniana Prima. Therefore, our database may be considered an extended AGIS database, that is, the HAGIS database. It is noteworthy that the syntagm historical-archaeological geographic information system(s) is actually rather new. As far as we know, it has been mentioned in this form only in the context of mapping heterogeneous sources, written and archaeological, within the scope of a Russian GIS database. Our integrated historical-archaeological geographic information system has been established to store all available materials, from the first records of the site to contemporary satellite images. The basic task was to create a complex database of maps, satellite and LIDAR images, digital terrain models, aerial photographs, orthophotographs, geophysical and archaeological plans, field sketches, theodolite and GPS measurements from the excavations and field surveys, etc., and their translation into a unique coordinate system. The HAGIS for Caričin Grad has been designed within a QGIS platform. To successfully use the databases in the GIS, they must be precisely oriented and therefore one of the most important steps is to translate the data into a single coordinate system and projection. In our case, we have adopted a new reference system ETRS89 and the UTM projection. By combining the data in the geographic information system and using different tools within the software packages it is possible to carry out numerous spatial and statistical analyses. The application of these systems has enabled visualisation, analysis and interpretation both of the ground plan of Caričin Grad and its broader environs, and of small archaeological finds. The GIS tools allow us to carry out complex statistical analyses, as well as simple visual presentations of the distribution maps. On the basis of the data, to which we have ascribed certain attributes, it is possible to monitor changes in the landscape, population movements, their relation with the environment and to track anthropogenic changes in different periods. We have focused part of our explorations of Caričin Grad and its broader environs on recognising and studying settlement patterns and on creating settlement models for different periods. With the data at our disposal, it is possible to recognise settlement patterns within the GIS, their location and spatial logic, distribution models, as well as the features of individual sites. Along with this, it is possible to reconstruct the social-economic connections, similarities and differences in particular micro-regions, and to create threedimensional models which improve visualisation and presentation of all materials. Through further processing, our HAGIS database will fully develop into a spatial-temporal, 4D GIS database.",
publisher = "Zavod za zaštitu spomenika kulture Srbije, Beograd",
journal = "Saopštenja, Republički zavod za zaštitu spomenika kulture",
title = "Primena istorijsko-arheološkog geografskog informacionog sistema u istraživanjima Caričinog grada i okoline, Application of historical-archaeological geographic information system in the research of Caričin grad and its environs",
pages = "279-259",
number = "50",
url = "conv_278"
}
Ivanišević, V., Bugarski, I.,& Stamenković, A.. (2018). Primena istorijsko-arheološkog geografskog informacionog sistema u istraživanjima Caričinog grada i okoline. in Saopštenja, Republički zavod za zaštitu spomenika kulture
Zavod za zaštitu spomenika kulture Srbije, Beograd.(50), 259-279.
conv_278
Ivanišević V, Bugarski I, Stamenković A. Primena istorijsko-arheološkog geografskog informacionog sistema u istraživanjima Caričinog grada i okoline. in Saopštenja, Republički zavod za zaštitu spomenika kulture. 2018;(50):259-279.
conv_278 .
Ivanišević, Vujadin, Bugarski, Ivan, Stamenković, Aleksandar, "Primena istorijsko-arheološkog geografskog informacionog sistema u istraživanjima Caričinog grada i okoline" in Saopštenja, Republički zavod za zaštitu spomenika kulture, no. 50 (2018):259-279,
conv_278 .

New insights into urban planning of Caričin Grad: The application of modern sensing and detection methods

Ivanišević, Vujadin; Bugarski, Ivan; Stamenković, Aleksandar

(Arheološki institut, Beograd, 2016)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Ivanišević, Vujadin
AU  - Bugarski, Ivan
AU  - Stamenković, Aleksandar
PY  - 2016
UR  - http://rai.ai.ac.rs/handle/123456789/248
AB  - Caričin Grad, Justiniana Prima, urban planning, fortification, settlement,
   aerial photography, geophysical surveys, LiDAR, photogrammetry, excavations,
   GIS. Thanks to the application of modern non-destructive sensing and
   detection methods, in recent years a series of new data on urban planning in
   Caričin Grad was obtained. For the most part, the current research programme
   studies the Upper Town’s northern plateau, wooded until recently and hence
   the only previously unexplored unit of the city. In the course of this
   programme, the classical research method - the excavations started in 2009 -
   is for the first time combined with the systematic application of airborne
   and terrestrial sensing and detection techniques. The analysis of historic
   aerial photographs and topographic plans proved to be very useful as well.
   Along with them, LiDAR-derived DTMs, photogrammetric DEMs, different
   geophysical and orthophotographic plans are stored in the GIS database for
   Caričin Grad and the Leskovac Basin. In this way almost 80 percent of the
   plateau area was defined, and the obtained plan is hypothetical only to a
   small extent, which particularly refers to the unexcavated northern rampart
   of the Upper Town. Each source provided relevant information for the
   reconstruction of both the rampart and the settlement, which points to the
   value of a holistic approach to documentation from various dates. The first
   source to be studied were archival aerial photographs of Caričin Grad from
   1938 and 1947 (Figs. 1, 2.1). The latter one was originally processed by
   Aleksandar Deroko and Svetozar Radojči}, who drew the plan of the town after
   it, labelling the unexplored Upper Town’s northern plateau as “a probable
   habitation area”. The route of the northern rampart was aslo rather precisely
   determined by the authors (Fig. 2.2). Recently, these photographs were
   rectified and georeferenced in the GIS. The 1938 shot reveals the position of
   some towers as well, and it is also indicative of the way of construction of
   certain buildings. From the spatial layout of whitish zones, originating from
   mortar scattered along the slope, it can be deduced which buildings were
   constructed in opus mixtum - the horreum and the so-called Building with
   Pillars east of it. Traces of mortar can be observed along the route of the
   rampart too. These archival images are particularly important because they
   record the topography of the site before it was filled with heaps of earth
   from the excavations. The topographic mappings of this area were conducted in
   1981 and 2006 (Fig. 3). The first plan was drawn after an airborne
   stereophotogrammetric survey of Caričin Grad, and in 2006, after the wood was
   cut down, this whole area was surveyed with the total station, with a density
   of nine points per square meter. This survey also resulted in a 3D terrain
   model (Fig. 3.2) indicating the layout of the buildings, which was to be
   proved by geophysical surveys and archaeological excavations. In the course
   of the Serbian-French reaearch programme, in 2007 geomagnetic surveys were
   carried out by Alain Kermorvan of the University of Tours. Thanks to the
   application of this method the remains of collapsed stone structures could be
   observed, and in 2015, in cooperation with the Roman-Germanic Central Museum,
   Mainz, and the Ludwig Boltzmann Institute from Vienna, the middle and eastern
   parts of the plateau were scanned with GPR (Fig. 4.2). Precise plans of the
   buildings were obtained in the areas in which LiDAR scanning and
   photogrammetric and geomagnetic surveys failed to produce clear images.
   Within the framework of the ArchaeoLandscapes Europe project, in 2011 we
   managed to organise an airborne LiDAR survey of the wider area of Caričin
   Grad. With its density of some 20 points per square meter, this scanning
   proved to be crucial for our comprehension of the town. The standard DTM
   provided numerous important data, especially its version calculated in the
   focal statistics function of the ArcGIS software package (Fig. 5. 1-2). These
   models show not only the route of the Upper Town’s northern rampart, the
   position of its towers and the layout of the buildings, but also the line of
   the Outer Town’s western rampart. Visible only in the DTM, this entirely new
   aspect of the Caričin Grad fortification has been attested by the
   excavations. Highly important plans of the town, and of the northern plateau
   of the Upper Town in particular, were obtained by UAV photogrammetric
   surveys. The first drone survey was conducted in 2014 within the scope of the
   same project. It resulted in a cloud with up to 1,600 points per square meter
   (Fig. 6.1-2). Unlike the LiDAR technology, photogrammetry cannot penetrate
   vegetation; therefore the preliminary clearing of the ground proved to be a
   most important step. After the 2015 campaign was finished, the excavation
   area in the Upper Town was documented again in the same manner. Regular
   photogrammetric surveys make possible the control of the works and reliable
   visual monitoring of the progress of exploration (Fig. 9). After the wood was
   cut down in 2006 and enormous heaps of earth from twentieth-century
   excavations and restoration works were carefully removed by machinery in 2008
   and 2010, without disturbing the original layers of debris, wide excavations
   could begin. At first only the humus layer was removed from fifteen-meter
   squares, which was followed by technical drawing. In 2009 and 2010 we did not
   explore the debris or the cultural layers (Fig. 7.1-2). The additional two
   squares were opened and documented in the same fashion in 2011, when
   previously recorded buildings 11 and 15C were explored in detail, together
   with the part of the corridor between them where a bread oven was found.
   These buildings were oriented south-north, cascading along the mild slope
   towards the northern rampart of the Upper Town. Fragments of pithoi and
   carbonised fruits were found in the buildings, allowing for an economic
   interpretation. Judging by coinfinds, the buildings ended in fire after the
   year 602. Some of the buildings on the northern plateau were oriented
   differently, following the route of the northern rampart of the Acropolis in
   the east-west direction. In 2012 building 18 was excavated, leaning on the
   rampart. Rectangular in plan and some 12 by 7.5 meters large, it had a storey
   and a 7 by 5.5 meters spacious paved atrium in the west. Parallel to building
   18 is building 20, the only one on the northern plateau constructed in opus
   mixtum. The two buildings are separated by a four-meter-wide street, running
   from east to west. This street, corridor 4, was partly cut in the rock. In
   some sections it had a substructure of fragmented debris. Building 20 has
   been carefully excavated for several years now. After the initial
   documenting, the surface layer of debris was removed, but not the collapsed
   structures with characteristic construction details; to the east of the
   building a collapsed wall was uncovered, containing as many as eight
   successive rows of stone and brick. Beneath these layers are the occupation
   ones, so far investigated only to a small extent. Building 20 is rectangular
   in plan, covering 25 by 12.5 meters. In its central axis there is a row of
   masonry pillars, dividing the building into two naves. On its western side
   there was a vestibule with a pair of doors matching the main entrances to the
   building. In the back of the vestibule, between these entrances and in axis
   with the pillars, there was a staircase. Adetailed analysis of these features
   led us to conclude that building 20 was a horreum, the first such edifice to
   be discovered in Caričin Grad. Taking into account the details of its ground
   plan, pillars, parts of collapsed walls and especially arches, it will be
   possible to reconstruct the original form of the horreum. Judging by the
   existing estimate, although somewhat rough, it was 13.5 meters high. It could
   be observed that in its later phases the horreum was partitioned into several
   rooms, and some of its entrances were walled up. In the vestibule only these
   later occupation phases were documented, as the original brick pavement was
   removed from its northern part. This was followed by a significant
   accumulation of cultural layers, which were sealed by the debris stratum.
   South of the horreum there is a spacious courtyard connected with the western
   street of the Upper Town. The Upper Town’s northern rampart has never been
   graphically reconstructed, despite the fact that Aleksandar Deroko and
   Svetozar Radojči} published its accurate (although schematic) ground plan as
   early as 1950 (Fig. 2.2). This part of the town has gradually been left out
   of the research focus, mainly due to the vegetation growth. Upon employing
   all the methods described above, however, it is possible to undertake such an
   effort. The ideal reconstruction suggested here includes the rampart route,
   the disposition and the form of the towers, and the possible locations of the
   posterns. The line of the rampart can be traced following the trenches left
   by the locals dismantling the walls. Only the section of the northwestern
   rampart in front of the western postern of the Acropolis cannot be presented,
   being still covered by massive earth deposits. On the other hand, the
   recently discovered western rampart of the Outer Town can be traced to its
   full length in the LiDAR-derived DTM. Its form can be easily reconstructed on
   the basis of the results of the 2012 excavations and the section of the same
   rampart uncovered east of the main fortifications in 1955-56 (Fig. 8). Having
   studied the microtopography of the terrain, we were able to determine the
   position of a number of towers. They were clearly indicated by bumps,
   regularly distributed along the northern and northeastern sections of the
   rampart. The position of the tower below the Acropolis’ western postern could
   be easily determined as well, unlike the position of the tower opposite to
   the horseshoe-shaped one of the Acropolis fortification. Yet, it is hard to
   imagine that a hundred-meter-long section of the rampart was left
   unprotected. The rectangular shape of the towers is suggested because almost
   all the towers of the town’s outer fortification were constructed in that
   way. On the other hand, at present we cannot exclude the possibility that
   some towers were different, horseshoe-shaped in plan, like the ones on the
   Acropolis rampart. The disposition of the towers along the northeastern
   rampart of the Upper Town, in the area where the northern street presumably
   met the fortification, is not clear. This part of the site still lies under
   massive heaps of earth, and even the 1938 and 1947 aerial photographs are not
   indicative enough in this regard. However, the tower(s) might have been
   erected there, not only because the eighty-meter-long stretch of the rampart
   would be left without protection in an opposite scenario, but because it is
   likely that the northern street ended in a gate, or at least a postern. It is
   already known that some of the posterns on the Carič in Grad fortifications
   were defended by towers. The average distance between the towers of the
   town’s main fortification extends from 20 meters on the southern to 40 meters
   on the western rampart of the Lower Town; in our reconstruction the average
   interval on the Upper Town’s northern rampart is 44 meters. Another argument
   is that this gate might have connected the Upper and the Outer Towns. The
   position of the second postern is determined thanks to a depression in the
   terrain following the axis of another communication route in the Upper Town,
   leading from corridor 4 and running towards the north along the rows of
   buildings. Finally, the 3.8 meter width of the rampart in the section
   adjoining the northern tower of the Upper Town’s eastern gate may only
   indicate a staircase, the last reconstructed fortification element. On the
   plateau stretching between the northern ramparts of the Acropolis and the
   Upper Town fortifications a settlement developed with its radially
   distributed rows of buildings cascading down the slope. In the eastern part
   of the plateau there is the horreum, adjoined from the east by another
   building - the storage called Building with Pillars. Larger than the other
   buildings and constructed in opus mixtum, the two buildings follow the route
   of the Upper Town’s northern street, all of which indicates that they belong
   to the initial construction phase. One should not exclude the possibility
   that this part of the town was originally conceived as an economic district
   with storages and similar edifices. By all appearances, the original concept
   was soon abandoned. Already at the time of Justinian a settlement of numerous
   smaller buildings was created. With their walls of stone and wattle and daub,
   the buildings were roofed with tiles. Yet one should underscore that this
   construction phase, although less sophisticated than the first one, was
   accomplished according to a previously prepared plan; the spread of the
   buildings speaks to that effect. Shortly afterwards, if not at the same time,
   buildings were erected along the outer face of the Acropolis rampart - a
   clear indication of abandoning urban planning (Fig. 9). Public space was
   turned into private, in spite of the legal proscriptions of that time. During
   the last phase of the town’s life the buildings described, whether public or
   private, were partitioned into small rooms, often with fireplaces and with
   some of their entrances walled up. Just like the edifices constructed in opus
   mixtum, some of the more modest buildings from the second construction phase
   were used to store food - namely buildings 11 and 15C. The plan of this part
   of the site points to an organised settlement, most probably inhabited by
   persons servicing a significant clergy and administration. On the other hand,
   except for some houses - such as building 18 - small buildings along the
   Acropolis fortification, facing the main street, corridor 4, might have
   served as shops and workshops. Traces of furnaces, slag and bone working were
   also encountered in this area. The parallel application of classical research
   methods and modern techniques of sensing and detection enabled the
   reconstruction of the northern rampart and the urban matrix of the Upper
   Town’s northern plateau. Until recently among the least known parts of the
   town, this unit can now be regarded as one of the best defined. This is
   important not only for our understanding of Caričin Grad (Justiniana Prima),
   but also for the study of Early Byzantine urban planning in general.
PB  - Arheološki institut, Beograd
T2  - Starinar
T1  - New insights into urban planning of Caričin Grad: The application of modern sensing and detection methods
EP  - 160
IS  - 66
SP  - 143
DO  - 10.2298/STA1666143I
UR  - conv_692
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Ivanišević, Vujadin and Bugarski, Ivan and Stamenković, Aleksandar",
year = "2016",
abstract = "Caričin Grad, Justiniana Prima, urban planning, fortification, settlement,
   aerial photography, geophysical surveys, LiDAR, photogrammetry, excavations,
   GIS. Thanks to the application of modern non-destructive sensing and
   detection methods, in recent years a series of new data on urban planning in
   Caričin Grad was obtained. For the most part, the current research programme
   studies the Upper Town’s northern plateau, wooded until recently and hence
   the only previously unexplored unit of the city. In the course of this
   programme, the classical research method - the excavations started in 2009 -
   is for the first time combined with the systematic application of airborne
   and terrestrial sensing and detection techniques. The analysis of historic
   aerial photographs and topographic plans proved to be very useful as well.
   Along with them, LiDAR-derived DTMs, photogrammetric DEMs, different
   geophysical and orthophotographic plans are stored in the GIS database for
   Caričin Grad and the Leskovac Basin. In this way almost 80 percent of the
   plateau area was defined, and the obtained plan is hypothetical only to a
   small extent, which particularly refers to the unexcavated northern rampart
   of the Upper Town. Each source provided relevant information for the
   reconstruction of both the rampart and the settlement, which points to the
   value of a holistic approach to documentation from various dates. The first
   source to be studied were archival aerial photographs of Caričin Grad from
   1938 and 1947 (Figs. 1, 2.1). The latter one was originally processed by
   Aleksandar Deroko and Svetozar Radojči}, who drew the plan of the town after
   it, labelling the unexplored Upper Town’s northern plateau as “a probable
   habitation area”. The route of the northern rampart was aslo rather precisely
   determined by the authors (Fig. 2.2). Recently, these photographs were
   rectified and georeferenced in the GIS. The 1938 shot reveals the position of
   some towers as well, and it is also indicative of the way of construction of
   certain buildings. From the spatial layout of whitish zones, originating from
   mortar scattered along the slope, it can be deduced which buildings were
   constructed in opus mixtum - the horreum and the so-called Building with
   Pillars east of it. Traces of mortar can be observed along the route of the
   rampart too. These archival images are particularly important because they
   record the topography of the site before it was filled with heaps of earth
   from the excavations. The topographic mappings of this area were conducted in
   1981 and 2006 (Fig. 3). The first plan was drawn after an airborne
   stereophotogrammetric survey of Caričin Grad, and in 2006, after the wood was
   cut down, this whole area was surveyed with the total station, with a density
   of nine points per square meter. This survey also resulted in a 3D terrain
   model (Fig. 3.2) indicating the layout of the buildings, which was to be
   proved by geophysical surveys and archaeological excavations. In the course
   of the Serbian-French reaearch programme, in 2007 geomagnetic surveys were
   carried out by Alain Kermorvan of the University of Tours. Thanks to the
   application of this method the remains of collapsed stone structures could be
   observed, and in 2015, in cooperation with the Roman-Germanic Central Museum,
   Mainz, and the Ludwig Boltzmann Institute from Vienna, the middle and eastern
   parts of the plateau were scanned with GPR (Fig. 4.2). Precise plans of the
   buildings were obtained in the areas in which LiDAR scanning and
   photogrammetric and geomagnetic surveys failed to produce clear images.
   Within the framework of the ArchaeoLandscapes Europe project, in 2011 we
   managed to organise an airborne LiDAR survey of the wider area of Caričin
   Grad. With its density of some 20 points per square meter, this scanning
   proved to be crucial for our comprehension of the town. The standard DTM
   provided numerous important data, especially its version calculated in the
   focal statistics function of the ArcGIS software package (Fig. 5. 1-2). These
   models show not only the route of the Upper Town’s northern rampart, the
   position of its towers and the layout of the buildings, but also the line of
   the Outer Town’s western rampart. Visible only in the DTM, this entirely new
   aspect of the Caričin Grad fortification has been attested by the
   excavations. Highly important plans of the town, and of the northern plateau
   of the Upper Town in particular, were obtained by UAV photogrammetric
   surveys. The first drone survey was conducted in 2014 within the scope of the
   same project. It resulted in a cloud with up to 1,600 points per square meter
   (Fig. 6.1-2). Unlike the LiDAR technology, photogrammetry cannot penetrate
   vegetation; therefore the preliminary clearing of the ground proved to be a
   most important step. After the 2015 campaign was finished, the excavation
   area in the Upper Town was documented again in the same manner. Regular
   photogrammetric surveys make possible the control of the works and reliable
   visual monitoring of the progress of exploration (Fig. 9). After the wood was
   cut down in 2006 and enormous heaps of earth from twentieth-century
   excavations and restoration works were carefully removed by machinery in 2008
   and 2010, without disturbing the original layers of debris, wide excavations
   could begin. At first only the humus layer was removed from fifteen-meter
   squares, which was followed by technical drawing. In 2009 and 2010 we did not
   explore the debris or the cultural layers (Fig. 7.1-2). The additional two
   squares were opened and documented in the same fashion in 2011, when
   previously recorded buildings 11 and 15C were explored in detail, together
   with the part of the corridor between them where a bread oven was found.
   These buildings were oriented south-north, cascading along the mild slope
   towards the northern rampart of the Upper Town. Fragments of pithoi and
   carbonised fruits were found in the buildings, allowing for an economic
   interpretation. Judging by coinfinds, the buildings ended in fire after the
   year 602. Some of the buildings on the northern plateau were oriented
   differently, following the route of the northern rampart of the Acropolis in
   the east-west direction. In 2012 building 18 was excavated, leaning on the
   rampart. Rectangular in plan and some 12 by 7.5 meters large, it had a storey
   and a 7 by 5.5 meters spacious paved atrium in the west. Parallel to building
   18 is building 20, the only one on the northern plateau constructed in opus
   mixtum. The two buildings are separated by a four-meter-wide street, running
   from east to west. This street, corridor 4, was partly cut in the rock. In
   some sections it had a substructure of fragmented debris. Building 20 has
   been carefully excavated for several years now. After the initial
   documenting, the surface layer of debris was removed, but not the collapsed
   structures with characteristic construction details; to the east of the
   building a collapsed wall was uncovered, containing as many as eight
   successive rows of stone and brick. Beneath these layers are the occupation
   ones, so far investigated only to a small extent. Building 20 is rectangular
   in plan, covering 25 by 12.5 meters. In its central axis there is a row of
   masonry pillars, dividing the building into two naves. On its western side
   there was a vestibule with a pair of doors matching the main entrances to the
   building. In the back of the vestibule, between these entrances and in axis
   with the pillars, there was a staircase. Adetailed analysis of these features
   led us to conclude that building 20 was a horreum, the first such edifice to
   be discovered in Caričin Grad. Taking into account the details of its ground
   plan, pillars, parts of collapsed walls and especially arches, it will be
   possible to reconstruct the original form of the horreum. Judging by the
   existing estimate, although somewhat rough, it was 13.5 meters high. It could
   be observed that in its later phases the horreum was partitioned into several
   rooms, and some of its entrances were walled up. In the vestibule only these
   later occupation phases were documented, as the original brick pavement was
   removed from its northern part. This was followed by a significant
   accumulation of cultural layers, which were sealed by the debris stratum.
   South of the horreum there is a spacious courtyard connected with the western
   street of the Upper Town. The Upper Town’s northern rampart has never been
   graphically reconstructed, despite the fact that Aleksandar Deroko and
   Svetozar Radojči} published its accurate (although schematic) ground plan as
   early as 1950 (Fig. 2.2). This part of the town has gradually been left out
   of the research focus, mainly due to the vegetation growth. Upon employing
   all the methods described above, however, it is possible to undertake such an
   effort. The ideal reconstruction suggested here includes the rampart route,
   the disposition and the form of the towers, and the possible locations of the
   posterns. The line of the rampart can be traced following the trenches left
   by the locals dismantling the walls. Only the section of the northwestern
   rampart in front of the western postern of the Acropolis cannot be presented,
   being still covered by massive earth deposits. On the other hand, the
   recently discovered western rampart of the Outer Town can be traced to its
   full length in the LiDAR-derived DTM. Its form can be easily reconstructed on
   the basis of the results of the 2012 excavations and the section of the same
   rampart uncovered east of the main fortifications in 1955-56 (Fig. 8). Having
   studied the microtopography of the terrain, we were able to determine the
   position of a number of towers. They were clearly indicated by bumps,
   regularly distributed along the northern and northeastern sections of the
   rampart. The position of the tower below the Acropolis’ western postern could
   be easily determined as well, unlike the position of the tower opposite to
   the horseshoe-shaped one of the Acropolis fortification. Yet, it is hard to
   imagine that a hundred-meter-long section of the rampart was left
   unprotected. The rectangular shape of the towers is suggested because almost
   all the towers of the town’s outer fortification were constructed in that
   way. On the other hand, at present we cannot exclude the possibility that
   some towers were different, horseshoe-shaped in plan, like the ones on the
   Acropolis rampart. The disposition of the towers along the northeastern
   rampart of the Upper Town, in the area where the northern street presumably
   met the fortification, is not clear. This part of the site still lies under
   massive heaps of earth, and even the 1938 and 1947 aerial photographs are not
   indicative enough in this regard. However, the tower(s) might have been
   erected there, not only because the eighty-meter-long stretch of the rampart
   would be left without protection in an opposite scenario, but because it is
   likely that the northern street ended in a gate, or at least a postern. It is
   already known that some of the posterns on the Carič in Grad fortifications
   were defended by towers. The average distance between the towers of the
   town’s main fortification extends from 20 meters on the southern to 40 meters
   on the western rampart of the Lower Town; in our reconstruction the average
   interval on the Upper Town’s northern rampart is 44 meters. Another argument
   is that this gate might have connected the Upper and the Outer Towns. The
   position of the second postern is determined thanks to a depression in the
   terrain following the axis of another communication route in the Upper Town,
   leading from corridor 4 and running towards the north along the rows of
   buildings. Finally, the 3.8 meter width of the rampart in the section
   adjoining the northern tower of the Upper Town’s eastern gate may only
   indicate a staircase, the last reconstructed fortification element. On the
   plateau stretching between the northern ramparts of the Acropolis and the
   Upper Town fortifications a settlement developed with its radially
   distributed rows of buildings cascading down the slope. In the eastern part
   of the plateau there is the horreum, adjoined from the east by another
   building - the storage called Building with Pillars. Larger than the other
   buildings and constructed in opus mixtum, the two buildings follow the route
   of the Upper Town’s northern street, all of which indicates that they belong
   to the initial construction phase. One should not exclude the possibility
   that this part of the town was originally conceived as an economic district
   with storages and similar edifices. By all appearances, the original concept
   was soon abandoned. Already at the time of Justinian a settlement of numerous
   smaller buildings was created. With their walls of stone and wattle and daub,
   the buildings were roofed with tiles. Yet one should underscore that this
   construction phase, although less sophisticated than the first one, was
   accomplished according to a previously prepared plan; the spread of the
   buildings speaks to that effect. Shortly afterwards, if not at the same time,
   buildings were erected along the outer face of the Acropolis rampart - a
   clear indication of abandoning urban planning (Fig. 9). Public space was
   turned into private, in spite of the legal proscriptions of that time. During
   the last phase of the town’s life the buildings described, whether public or
   private, were partitioned into small rooms, often with fireplaces and with
   some of their entrances walled up. Just like the edifices constructed in opus
   mixtum, some of the more modest buildings from the second construction phase
   were used to store food - namely buildings 11 and 15C. The plan of this part
   of the site points to an organised settlement, most probably inhabited by
   persons servicing a significant clergy and administration. On the other hand,
   except for some houses - such as building 18 - small buildings along the
   Acropolis fortification, facing the main street, corridor 4, might have
   served as shops and workshops. Traces of furnaces, slag and bone working were
   also encountered in this area. The parallel application of classical research
   methods and modern techniques of sensing and detection enabled the
   reconstruction of the northern rampart and the urban matrix of the Upper
   Town’s northern plateau. Until recently among the least known parts of the
   town, this unit can now be regarded as one of the best defined. This is
   important not only for our understanding of Caričin Grad (Justiniana Prima),
   but also for the study of Early Byzantine urban planning in general.",
publisher = "Arheološki institut, Beograd",
journal = "Starinar",
title = "New insights into urban planning of Caričin Grad: The application of modern sensing and detection methods",
pages = "160-143",
number = "66",
doi = "10.2298/STA1666143I",
url = "conv_692"
}
Ivanišević, V., Bugarski, I.,& Stamenković, A.. (2016). New insights into urban planning of Caričin Grad: The application of modern sensing and detection methods. in Starinar
Arheološki institut, Beograd.(66), 143-160.
https://doi.org/10.2298/STA1666143I
conv_692
Ivanišević V, Bugarski I, Stamenković A. New insights into urban planning of Caričin Grad: The application of modern sensing and detection methods. in Starinar. 2016;(66):143-160.
doi:10.2298/STA1666143I
conv_692 .
Ivanišević, Vujadin, Bugarski, Ivan, Stamenković, Aleksandar, "New insights into urban planning of Caričin Grad: The application of modern sensing and detection methods" in Starinar, no. 66 (2016):143-160,
https://doi.org/10.2298/STA1666143I .,
conv_692 .
1

Late Roman fortifications in the Leskovac basin in relation to urban Centres

Ivanišević, Vujadin; Stamenković, Sonja

(Arheološki institut, Beograd, 2014)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Ivanišević, Vujadin
AU  - Stamenković, Sonja
PY  - 2014
UR  - http://rai.ai.ac.rs/handle/123456789/213
AB  - Due to a general insecurity and the need to protect the population and
   communications, towards the end of the 4th century a large number of Late
   Roman fortifications were built in the region of the Leskovac basin, mainly
   towards the edges. Their distribution was determined by the level of the
   region’s population density, its resources and by the need to control the
   roads. These were predominantly smaller fortifications whose primary role was
   the protection of the local population, who lived off the land and bred
   cattle. However, the largest number of these is in the western part of the
   basin, in the mountainous regions of Goljak, Majdan, Radan and Pasjača,
   whilst the highest density of fortifications is in the Banjska Reka valley,
   around the village of Sijarina. The whole region was known for its mining
   activity in previous centuries. A particular group comprises the
   fortifications around Caričin Grad - Justiniana Prima, whose main role was
   the defence of the access to the city.
PB  - Arheološki institut, Beograd
T2  - Starinar
T1  - Late Roman fortifications in the Leskovac basin in relation to urban Centres
EP  - 230
IS  - 64
SP  - 219
DO  - 10.2298/STA1464219I
UR  - conv_641
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Ivanišević, Vujadin and Stamenković, Sonja",
year = "2014",
abstract = "Due to a general insecurity and the need to protect the population and
   communications, towards the end of the 4th century a large number of Late
   Roman fortifications were built in the region of the Leskovac basin, mainly
   towards the edges. Their distribution was determined by the level of the
   region’s population density, its resources and by the need to control the
   roads. These were predominantly smaller fortifications whose primary role was
   the protection of the local population, who lived off the land and bred
   cattle. However, the largest number of these is in the western part of the
   basin, in the mountainous regions of Goljak, Majdan, Radan and Pasjača,
   whilst the highest density of fortifications is in the Banjska Reka valley,
   around the village of Sijarina. The whole region was known for its mining
   activity in previous centuries. A particular group comprises the
   fortifications around Caričin Grad - Justiniana Prima, whose main role was
   the defence of the access to the city.",
publisher = "Arheološki institut, Beograd",
journal = "Starinar",
title = "Late Roman fortifications in the Leskovac basin in relation to urban Centres",
pages = "230-219",
number = "64",
doi = "10.2298/STA1464219I",
url = "conv_641"
}
Ivanišević, V.,& Stamenković, S.. (2014). Late Roman fortifications in the Leskovac basin in relation to urban Centres. in Starinar
Arheološki institut, Beograd.(64), 219-230.
https://doi.org/10.2298/STA1464219I
conv_641
Ivanišević V, Stamenković S. Late Roman fortifications in the Leskovac basin in relation to urban Centres. in Starinar. 2014;(64):219-230.
doi:10.2298/STA1464219I
conv_641 .
Ivanišević, Vujadin, Stamenković, Sonja, "Late Roman fortifications in the Leskovac basin in relation to urban Centres" in Starinar, no. 64 (2014):219-230,
https://doi.org/10.2298/STA1464219I .,
conv_641 .
2

Ranosrednjovekovna ostava gvozdenih predmeta iz Rujkovca i slični nalazi sa područja centralnog Balkana

Bugarski, Ivan; Ivanišević, Vujadin

(Arheološki institut, Beograd, 2013)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Bugarski, Ivan
AU  - Ivanišević, Vujadin
PY  - 2013
UR  - http://rai.ai.ac.rs/handle/123456789/198
AB  - U radu se objavljuje skupni nalaz, najverovatnije ostava gvozdenih predmeta sa višeslojnog lokaliteta Gradište u Rujkovcu, na jugu Srbije. Ostava, koja se sastoji od četiri uzengije i isto toliko poljoprivrednih alatki, analizirana je u svetlu sličnih nalaza sa prostora centralnog Balkana. Na osnovu tipološki osetljivih predmeta, rujkovačku i još neke od ovih ostava moguće je datovati u drugu polovinu 10. i prvu polovinu 11. veka. Naša ostava je jedna od dve koje pokazuju jasan vojni karakter. Pretežna zastupljenost poljoprivrednog alata u ostalim ostavama ukazuje na pojačan razvoj ove grane privrede u doba ranog srednjeg veka na tlu centralnog Balkana. Ostave sa tog prostora, verovatno vizantijske provenijencije, u celini su mlađe nego dobro proučeni slični skupni nalazi iz istočne i srednje Evrope.
AB  - By the village of Rujkovac in southern Serbia, one of the numerous local hillforts is situated. Since it has not been systematically explored, our knowledge of its history leans on an insight into the chance finds. On this occasion, we have opted to depict eight iron objects, probably coming from a damaged hoard. Thanks to four Hungarian-type stirrups which have already been published, the hoard from Rujkovac was dated to the second half of the tenth and the first half of the eleventh century. Similar finds from outside the Central Balkans are well studied, but there have been misinterpretations of their occurrence in this territory. The findings of tools from the Rujkovac hoard may be widely dated. The pickaxe belongs to Henning's class L1 the mattock to the class K8, the scythe to the I5 class, and the plowshare to the A3 class of the same typology. Both typologically and territorially, the closest finds come from a hoard of iron objects found at Streževo by Bitola, Macedonia, but the presented estimations of its date have caused some confusion. It was Valery Jotov who rightly dated it to the second half of tenth and the first half of the eleventh century. Some other similar finds come from the Central Balkans, present-day Serbia and Macedonia, most of which were not sufficiently studied and were incorporated neither in Henning's 1987 corpus nor in Florin Curta's papers that followed (1997, 2011). It is hard to judge the date of some of the hoards. For instance, the Gamzigrad III hoard has been dated to the Late Antiquity, and the Jelica hoard perhaps to the early seventh century. We are open to the possibility that these hoards in fact come from the Early Middle Ages. The other hoards, found at Ada Ciganlija (Belgrade), Pontes, and in Macedonia are chiefly dated to the tenth and eleventh centuries. The Rujkovac and Streževo hoards are ascribed to the military, the Gamzigrad II to the local smithy, and the rest of the hoards may have belonged to individuals rather than to communities. The prevailing agricultural character of these hoards is closely related to population growth in Byzantium at that time. The hoards testify to the renewal of life and metallurgical activities in the tenth and eleventh centuries in the southern part of the Central Balkans. The increase in money hoards speaks in favour of some economic renewal too. Our earlier conclusion, though with some reservations, was that both the Rujkovac and Streževo finds came from a Byzantine context. We would suggest that the same could be stated for the rest of the hoards depicted in this paper.
PB  - Arheološki institut, Beograd
T2  - Starinar
T1  - Ranosrednjovekovna ostava gvozdenih predmeta iz Rujkovca i slični nalazi sa područja centralnog Balkana
T1  - Early mediaeval hoard of iron objects from Rujkovac and similar finds from the central Balkans
EP  - 152
IS  - 63
SP  - 131
DO  - 10.2298/STA1363131B
UR  - conv_758
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Bugarski, Ivan and Ivanišević, Vujadin",
year = "2013",
abstract = "U radu se objavljuje skupni nalaz, najverovatnije ostava gvozdenih predmeta sa višeslojnog lokaliteta Gradište u Rujkovcu, na jugu Srbije. Ostava, koja se sastoji od četiri uzengije i isto toliko poljoprivrednih alatki, analizirana je u svetlu sličnih nalaza sa prostora centralnog Balkana. Na osnovu tipološki osetljivih predmeta, rujkovačku i još neke od ovih ostava moguće je datovati u drugu polovinu 10. i prvu polovinu 11. veka. Naša ostava je jedna od dve koje pokazuju jasan vojni karakter. Pretežna zastupljenost poljoprivrednog alata u ostalim ostavama ukazuje na pojačan razvoj ove grane privrede u doba ranog srednjeg veka na tlu centralnog Balkana. Ostave sa tog prostora, verovatno vizantijske provenijencije, u celini su mlađe nego dobro proučeni slični skupni nalazi iz istočne i srednje Evrope., By the village of Rujkovac in southern Serbia, one of the numerous local hillforts is situated. Since it has not been systematically explored, our knowledge of its history leans on an insight into the chance finds. On this occasion, we have opted to depict eight iron objects, probably coming from a damaged hoard. Thanks to four Hungarian-type stirrups which have already been published, the hoard from Rujkovac was dated to the second half of the tenth and the first half of the eleventh century. Similar finds from outside the Central Balkans are well studied, but there have been misinterpretations of their occurrence in this territory. The findings of tools from the Rujkovac hoard may be widely dated. The pickaxe belongs to Henning's class L1 the mattock to the class K8, the scythe to the I5 class, and the plowshare to the A3 class of the same typology. Both typologically and territorially, the closest finds come from a hoard of iron objects found at Streževo by Bitola, Macedonia, but the presented estimations of its date have caused some confusion. It was Valery Jotov who rightly dated it to the second half of tenth and the first half of the eleventh century. Some other similar finds come from the Central Balkans, present-day Serbia and Macedonia, most of which were not sufficiently studied and were incorporated neither in Henning's 1987 corpus nor in Florin Curta's papers that followed (1997, 2011). It is hard to judge the date of some of the hoards. For instance, the Gamzigrad III hoard has been dated to the Late Antiquity, and the Jelica hoard perhaps to the early seventh century. We are open to the possibility that these hoards in fact come from the Early Middle Ages. The other hoards, found at Ada Ciganlija (Belgrade), Pontes, and in Macedonia are chiefly dated to the tenth and eleventh centuries. The Rujkovac and Streževo hoards are ascribed to the military, the Gamzigrad II to the local smithy, and the rest of the hoards may have belonged to individuals rather than to communities. The prevailing agricultural character of these hoards is closely related to population growth in Byzantium at that time. The hoards testify to the renewal of life and metallurgical activities in the tenth and eleventh centuries in the southern part of the Central Balkans. The increase in money hoards speaks in favour of some economic renewal too. Our earlier conclusion, though with some reservations, was that both the Rujkovac and Streževo finds came from a Byzantine context. We would suggest that the same could be stated for the rest of the hoards depicted in this paper.",
publisher = "Arheološki institut, Beograd",
journal = "Starinar",
title = "Ranosrednjovekovna ostava gvozdenih predmeta iz Rujkovca i slični nalazi sa područja centralnog Balkana, Early mediaeval hoard of iron objects from Rujkovac and similar finds from the central Balkans",
pages = "152-131",
number = "63",
doi = "10.2298/STA1363131B",
url = "conv_758"
}
Bugarski, I.,& Ivanišević, V.. (2013). Ranosrednjovekovna ostava gvozdenih predmeta iz Rujkovca i slični nalazi sa područja centralnog Balkana. in Starinar
Arheološki institut, Beograd.(63), 131-152.
https://doi.org/10.2298/STA1363131B
conv_758
Bugarski I, Ivanišević V. Ranosrednjovekovna ostava gvozdenih predmeta iz Rujkovca i slični nalazi sa područja centralnog Balkana. in Starinar. 2013;(63):131-152.
doi:10.2298/STA1363131B
conv_758 .
Bugarski, Ivan, Ivanišević, Vujadin, "Ranosrednjovekovna ostava gvozdenih predmeta iz Rujkovca i slični nalazi sa područja centralnog Balkana" in Starinar, no. 63 (2013):131-152,
https://doi.org/10.2298/STA1363131B .,
conv_758 .

Razgradnja fortifikacije Akropolja Caričinog grada

Ivanišević, Vujadin; Stamenković, Sonja

(Narodni muzej, Leskovac, 2013)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Ivanišević, Vujadin
AU  - Stamenković, Sonja
PY  - 2013
UR  - http://rai.ai.ac.rs/handle/123456789/175
AB  - Year after year, archaeological research of Caričin Grad advances our knowledge of the urbanism of this unique Early Byzantine city. Thanks to the excavations which follow conservation works at the Acropolis fortification, new data are gained regarding the construction of the ramparts, towers, posterns, and stairways. Especially important to us are the clues for establishing the time and manner of use of the fortifications. It is commonly believed that the ramparts and towers of the Acropolis had fulfilled their function from the very beginning of Caričin Grad until the termination of life in the city. However, new findings show that in different parts of Caričin Grad the fortifications underwent considerable changes, such as repairs of the ram-parts, towers, and other facilities. These interventions have been recorded on the Lower Town's southeast corner tower, and on the southern rampart of the Acropolis too, where during the lifespan of the city even the foundations of the ruined tower were deconstructed to make room for a minor building erected in its place. Apart from this, the eastern stairways lost their function. With the erection of the building leaning on the southern rampart of the Acropolis, at the place where the tower used to be, the defensive role of the fortification was completely suspended. Along with this, the building testifies to a considerable intramural settlement. It is important to mention that in the debris layers of this area four fragments were found of a column made out of 'Green Thessalian Stone', or verde antico, undoubtedly originating from the internal decorative program of the Episcopal Basilica, most probably from the ciborium.
PB  - Narodni muzej, Leskovac
T2  - Leskovački zbornik
T1  - Razgradnja fortifikacije Akropolja Caričinog grada
T1  - Deconstruction of the Caričin grad fortifications
EP  - 32
IS  - 53
SP  - 22
UR  - conv_282
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Ivanišević, Vujadin and Stamenković, Sonja",
year = "2013",
abstract = "Year after year, archaeological research of Caričin Grad advances our knowledge of the urbanism of this unique Early Byzantine city. Thanks to the excavations which follow conservation works at the Acropolis fortification, new data are gained regarding the construction of the ramparts, towers, posterns, and stairways. Especially important to us are the clues for establishing the time and manner of use of the fortifications. It is commonly believed that the ramparts and towers of the Acropolis had fulfilled their function from the very beginning of Caričin Grad until the termination of life in the city. However, new findings show that in different parts of Caričin Grad the fortifications underwent considerable changes, such as repairs of the ram-parts, towers, and other facilities. These interventions have been recorded on the Lower Town's southeast corner tower, and on the southern rampart of the Acropolis too, where during the lifespan of the city even the foundations of the ruined tower were deconstructed to make room for a minor building erected in its place. Apart from this, the eastern stairways lost their function. With the erection of the building leaning on the southern rampart of the Acropolis, at the place where the tower used to be, the defensive role of the fortification was completely suspended. Along with this, the building testifies to a considerable intramural settlement. It is important to mention that in the debris layers of this area four fragments were found of a column made out of 'Green Thessalian Stone', or verde antico, undoubtedly originating from the internal decorative program of the Episcopal Basilica, most probably from the ciborium.",
publisher = "Narodni muzej, Leskovac",
journal = "Leskovački zbornik",
title = "Razgradnja fortifikacije Akropolja Caričinog grada, Deconstruction of the Caričin grad fortifications",
pages = "32-22",
number = "53",
url = "conv_282"
}
Ivanišević, V.,& Stamenković, S.. (2013). Razgradnja fortifikacije Akropolja Caričinog grada. in Leskovački zbornik
Narodni muzej, Leskovac.(53), 22-32.
conv_282
Ivanišević V, Stamenković S. Razgradnja fortifikacije Akropolja Caričinog grada. in Leskovački zbornik. 2013;(53):22-32.
conv_282 .
Ivanišević, Vujadin, Stamenković, Sonja, "Razgradnja fortifikacije Akropolja Caričinog grada" in Leskovački zbornik, no. 53 (2013):22-32,
conv_282 .

Primena LiDAR tehnologije u analizi topografije Marguma/Morave i Kuliča

Ivanišević, Vujadin; Bugarski, Ivan

(Arheološki institut, Beograd, 2012)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Ivanišević, Vujadin
AU  - Bugarski, Ivan
PY  - 2012
UR  - http://rai.ai.ac.rs/handle/123456789/158
AB  - Antički Margum i srednjovekovno naselje Morava, koji su smešteni na ušću Velike Morave u Dunav, do sada nisu mogli da budu preciznije sagledani, kako zbog razornih pomeranja vodotokova reka i erozije tla usled delovanja rečnih voda, tako i zbog gustog šumskog pokrivača koji se razvio na vlažnom tlu. Dostupni izvori o ovom značajnom nalazištu često pružaju kontradiktorne podatke, pa su saznanja iz pisane istorijske građe, svedočanstva putopisaca, kao i stara kartografska građa, u ovom radu sučeljena sa dosadašnjim arheološkim saznanjima i, posebno, podacima dobijenim nakon nedavnog laserskog LiDAR skeniranja terena iz vazduha. Analizom dobijenih snimaka jasno je omeđen sačuvani prostor na kojem su se razvijali ti gradovi, definisana je istočna ivica rimske aglomeracije i određena funkcija jednog kanala koji preseca čitavu površinu. Pošto je to bila prva primena nove tehnologije daljinske prospekcije u srpskoj arheologiji, deo članka je posvećen objašnjavanju samog metoda. Kao posebna celina obrađeno je i obližnje utvrđenje Kulič, za koje je zaključeno da je bilo podignuto u doba osmanske prevlasti. Zahvaljujući izvršenom skeniranju terena, prepoznato je i podgrađe Kuliča o kojem se dosad znalo samo iz pisanih izvora.
AB  - Roman Margum and Mediaeval town of Morava, situated on the Orašje site in Dubravica at the confluence of the Velika Morava and the Danube, could not have been analysed more thoroughly in the past because of the damage caused by the river bed displacements and soil erosion on the one hand, and dense vegetation growing on such a moist terrain on the other. Archaeological research has so far failed to produce even a site plan. Available data on this important site are contradictory to a considerable extent, so the information one could obtain from the written and cartographic sources needed to be confronted with the archaeological ones and, especially, those derived from the recent LiDAR scanning of the terrain, conducted within the scope of the Archaeo-Landscapes Europe Project. Among the most important plans of the confluence area are those left by Marsigli in the 18th and Kanitz in the 19th century. Felix Kanitz, the famous Balkan traveler, also provided us with a textual description of his visit to the site in 1887. Our analyses of the two plans have revealed a number of inaccuracies. Through analyses of the obtaineded LiDAR scans, however, the preserved area of the two settlements has been clearly demarcated, measuring 7-8 hectares, and the eastern edge of the Roman agglomeration - presumed already in the course of the 2011 excavations - was confirmed. Most probably it was the eastern rampart of the Roman fortification. Apart from this, the purpose of a canal stretching along the whole plateau, and mentioned by Kanitz, has been established. Given that to the east of the canal there was the presumably Roman rampart, and to the west of it there were recently excavated ruins of Roman buildings, the canal itself must have been of a more recent date. Bearing in mind the established vertical stratigraphy of the site, we conclude that it was in fact a Mediaeval defence trench. The topography of the nearby fort Kulič has been studied as well. It is often believed that this fortification was originally built in Roman times, but the analyses of DTM have shown the fort erected on an embankment, round in shape, i.e. on the more elevated terrain in comparsion to the largest part of the confluence area, where most of Roman Margum and Mediaeval Morava has been wiped out by water. So the Kulič fortification could have been originally erected only afterwords, i.e. in Turkish times. There are some data from the written sources to corroborate such a date, and we also know of two later accounts describing the 17th century settlement in front of it. There has been no field confirmation so far, but thanks to the results of LiDAR scanning one may observe the traces of a small settlement south of the fortification, protected by a trench.
PB  - Arheološki institut, Beograd
T2  - Starinar
T1  - Primena LiDAR tehnologije u analizi topografije Marguma/Morave i Kuliča
T1  - Application of LiDAR technology in analyses of the topography of Margum/Morava and Kulič
EP  - 255
IS  - 62
SP  - 239
DO  - 10.2298/STA1262239I
UR  - conv_636
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Ivanišević, Vujadin and Bugarski, Ivan",
year = "2012",
abstract = "Antički Margum i srednjovekovno naselje Morava, koji su smešteni na ušću Velike Morave u Dunav, do sada nisu mogli da budu preciznije sagledani, kako zbog razornih pomeranja vodotokova reka i erozije tla usled delovanja rečnih voda, tako i zbog gustog šumskog pokrivača koji se razvio na vlažnom tlu. Dostupni izvori o ovom značajnom nalazištu često pružaju kontradiktorne podatke, pa su saznanja iz pisane istorijske građe, svedočanstva putopisaca, kao i stara kartografska građa, u ovom radu sučeljena sa dosadašnjim arheološkim saznanjima i, posebno, podacima dobijenim nakon nedavnog laserskog LiDAR skeniranja terena iz vazduha. Analizom dobijenih snimaka jasno je omeđen sačuvani prostor na kojem su se razvijali ti gradovi, definisana je istočna ivica rimske aglomeracije i određena funkcija jednog kanala koji preseca čitavu površinu. Pošto je to bila prva primena nove tehnologije daljinske prospekcije u srpskoj arheologiji, deo članka je posvećen objašnjavanju samog metoda. Kao posebna celina obrađeno je i obližnje utvrđenje Kulič, za koje je zaključeno da je bilo podignuto u doba osmanske prevlasti. Zahvaljujući izvršenom skeniranju terena, prepoznato je i podgrađe Kuliča o kojem se dosad znalo samo iz pisanih izvora., Roman Margum and Mediaeval town of Morava, situated on the Orašje site in Dubravica at the confluence of the Velika Morava and the Danube, could not have been analysed more thoroughly in the past because of the damage caused by the river bed displacements and soil erosion on the one hand, and dense vegetation growing on such a moist terrain on the other. Archaeological research has so far failed to produce even a site plan. Available data on this important site are contradictory to a considerable extent, so the information one could obtain from the written and cartographic sources needed to be confronted with the archaeological ones and, especially, those derived from the recent LiDAR scanning of the terrain, conducted within the scope of the Archaeo-Landscapes Europe Project. Among the most important plans of the confluence area are those left by Marsigli in the 18th and Kanitz in the 19th century. Felix Kanitz, the famous Balkan traveler, also provided us with a textual description of his visit to the site in 1887. Our analyses of the two plans have revealed a number of inaccuracies. Through analyses of the obtaineded LiDAR scans, however, the preserved area of the two settlements has been clearly demarcated, measuring 7-8 hectares, and the eastern edge of the Roman agglomeration - presumed already in the course of the 2011 excavations - was confirmed. Most probably it was the eastern rampart of the Roman fortification. Apart from this, the purpose of a canal stretching along the whole plateau, and mentioned by Kanitz, has been established. Given that to the east of the canal there was the presumably Roman rampart, and to the west of it there were recently excavated ruins of Roman buildings, the canal itself must have been of a more recent date. Bearing in mind the established vertical stratigraphy of the site, we conclude that it was in fact a Mediaeval defence trench. The topography of the nearby fort Kulič has been studied as well. It is often believed that this fortification was originally built in Roman times, but the analyses of DTM have shown the fort erected on an embankment, round in shape, i.e. on the more elevated terrain in comparsion to the largest part of the confluence area, where most of Roman Margum and Mediaeval Morava has been wiped out by water. So the Kulič fortification could have been originally erected only afterwords, i.e. in Turkish times. There are some data from the written sources to corroborate such a date, and we also know of two later accounts describing the 17th century settlement in front of it. There has been no field confirmation so far, but thanks to the results of LiDAR scanning one may observe the traces of a small settlement south of the fortification, protected by a trench.",
publisher = "Arheološki institut, Beograd",
journal = "Starinar",
title = "Primena LiDAR tehnologije u analizi topografije Marguma/Morave i Kuliča, Application of LiDAR technology in analyses of the topography of Margum/Morava and Kulič",
pages = "255-239",
number = "62",
doi = "10.2298/STA1262239I",
url = "conv_636"
}
Ivanišević, V.,& Bugarski, I.. (2012). Primena LiDAR tehnologije u analizi topografije Marguma/Morave i Kuliča. in Starinar
Arheološki institut, Beograd.(62), 239-255.
https://doi.org/10.2298/STA1262239I
conv_636
Ivanišević V, Bugarski I. Primena LiDAR tehnologije u analizi topografije Marguma/Morave i Kuliča. in Starinar. 2012;(62):239-255.
doi:10.2298/STA1262239I
conv_636 .
Ivanišević, Vujadin, Bugarski, Ivan, "Primena LiDAR tehnologije u analizi topografije Marguma/Morave i Kuliča" in Starinar, no. 62 (2012):239-255,
https://doi.org/10.2298/STA1262239I .,
conv_636 .

Ostava srpskog i bosanskog srednjovekovnog novca iz Brskova

Ivanišević, Vujadin; Lutovac, Predrag

(Narodni muzej, Beograd i Srpsko numizmatičko društvo, Beograd, 2011)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Ivanišević, Vujadin
AU  - Lutovac, Predrag
PY  - 2011
UR  - http://rai.ai.ac.rs/handle/123456789/135
AB  - Muzej Polimlja u Beranima čuva u svojim fondovima jedan važan nalaz srpskog i bosanskog srednjovekovnog novca. U pitanju je manja ostava koja je otkrivena sedamdesetih godina prošlog veka prilikom radova u rudniku Brskovo. Nalaz čini 6 srednjovekovnih novčića, četiri dinara srpskog cara Stefana Uroša (1355-1371) (br. 1-4) i dva poludinara bosanskog bana Tvrtka I Kotromanića (1354-1377) (br. 5-6). Srpski novac čine kovanja cara Uroša: dva primerka vrste 9.17 (br. 1-2) i po jedan vrste 9.18 (br. 3) i 9.19 (br. 4), dok je bosanski predstavljen sa dva retka poludinara bana Tvrtka I Kotromanića. Nalaz ostave novca u Brskovu, nekadašnjem važnom rudarskom središtu, ukazuje da je rudnik bio aktivan sve do sedamdesetih godina 14. veka, o čemu je posebno pisao Ignacij Voje u svojoj raspravi o Brskovu.
AB  - Among its collections, the Museum of Polimlje in Berane houses an important find of Serbian and Bosnian medieval coins. It involves a small hoard that was discovered in the 1970s, during works in the Brskovo mine. The find consists of six small medieval coins, four dinars of the emperor Stefan Uroš (1355-1371) (Nos. 1-4) and two half-dinars of the Bosnian ban, Tvrtko I Kotromanić (1354-1377) (Nos.5-6). The Serbian coins belong to the coinage of the emperor Uroš: two specimens of type 9.17 (Nos.1-2), one specimen of type 9.18 (No. 3), and one of type 9.19 (No. 4), while the Bosnian coins are represented by two, rare half-dinars of Ban Tvrtko I Kotromanić. The uniqueness of the hoard from Brskovo lies in the type 9.17, which was known till now, only on the basis of one specimen from Smederevska Palanka. Thanks to new finds of this type, we are able to correct the description of this important issue. Namely, it was assumed in the monograph 'The Coinage of Medieval Serbia' that St. Stephan was handing the ruler a double cross, while on the specimen from the Brskovo hoard one can make out the contours of a flag. The other important coinage in the hoard are the rare half-dinars of Ban Tvrtko I, which differ from the issues described in I. Rendjeo's Corpus, in that the ban is holding the insignia in the reverse order. The find of the hoard of coins in Brskovo, at one time an important mining centre, indicates that the mine was in operation right until the 1370s, which Ignatije Boje wrote about in detail in his discourse on Brskovo.
PB  - Narodni muzej, Beograd i Srpsko numizmatičko društvo, Beograd
T2  - Numizmatičar
T1  - Ostava srpskog i bosanskog srednjovekovnog novca iz Brskova
T1  - A hoard of Serbian and Bosnian medieval coins from Brskovo
EP  - 328
IS  - 29
SP  - 319
UR  - conv_170
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Ivanišević, Vujadin and Lutovac, Predrag",
year = "2011",
abstract = "Muzej Polimlja u Beranima čuva u svojim fondovima jedan važan nalaz srpskog i bosanskog srednjovekovnog novca. U pitanju je manja ostava koja je otkrivena sedamdesetih godina prošlog veka prilikom radova u rudniku Brskovo. Nalaz čini 6 srednjovekovnih novčića, četiri dinara srpskog cara Stefana Uroša (1355-1371) (br. 1-4) i dva poludinara bosanskog bana Tvrtka I Kotromanića (1354-1377) (br. 5-6). Srpski novac čine kovanja cara Uroša: dva primerka vrste 9.17 (br. 1-2) i po jedan vrste 9.18 (br. 3) i 9.19 (br. 4), dok je bosanski predstavljen sa dva retka poludinara bana Tvrtka I Kotromanića. Nalaz ostave novca u Brskovu, nekadašnjem važnom rudarskom središtu, ukazuje da je rudnik bio aktivan sve do sedamdesetih godina 14. veka, o čemu je posebno pisao Ignacij Voje u svojoj raspravi o Brskovu., Among its collections, the Museum of Polimlje in Berane houses an important find of Serbian and Bosnian medieval coins. It involves a small hoard that was discovered in the 1970s, during works in the Brskovo mine. The find consists of six small medieval coins, four dinars of the emperor Stefan Uroš (1355-1371) (Nos. 1-4) and two half-dinars of the Bosnian ban, Tvrtko I Kotromanić (1354-1377) (Nos.5-6). The Serbian coins belong to the coinage of the emperor Uroš: two specimens of type 9.17 (Nos.1-2), one specimen of type 9.18 (No. 3), and one of type 9.19 (No. 4), while the Bosnian coins are represented by two, rare half-dinars of Ban Tvrtko I Kotromanić. The uniqueness of the hoard from Brskovo lies in the type 9.17, which was known till now, only on the basis of one specimen from Smederevska Palanka. Thanks to new finds of this type, we are able to correct the description of this important issue. Namely, it was assumed in the monograph 'The Coinage of Medieval Serbia' that St. Stephan was handing the ruler a double cross, while on the specimen from the Brskovo hoard one can make out the contours of a flag. The other important coinage in the hoard are the rare half-dinars of Ban Tvrtko I, which differ from the issues described in I. Rendjeo's Corpus, in that the ban is holding the insignia in the reverse order. The find of the hoard of coins in Brskovo, at one time an important mining centre, indicates that the mine was in operation right until the 1370s, which Ignatije Boje wrote about in detail in his discourse on Brskovo.",
publisher = "Narodni muzej, Beograd i Srpsko numizmatičko društvo, Beograd",
journal = "Numizmatičar",
title = "Ostava srpskog i bosanskog srednjovekovnog novca iz Brskova, A hoard of Serbian and Bosnian medieval coins from Brskovo",
pages = "328-319",
number = "29",
url = "conv_170"
}
Ivanišević, V.,& Lutovac, P.. (2011). Ostava srpskog i bosanskog srednjovekovnog novca iz Brskova. in Numizmatičar
Narodni muzej, Beograd i Srpsko numizmatičko društvo, Beograd.(29), 319-328.
conv_170
Ivanišević V, Lutovac P. Ostava srpskog i bosanskog srednjovekovnog novca iz Brskova. in Numizmatičar. 2011;(29):319-328.
conv_170 .
Ivanišević, Vujadin, Lutovac, Predrag, "Ostava srpskog i bosanskog srednjovekovnog novca iz Brskova" in Numizmatičar, no. 29 (2011):319-328,
conv_170 .

Nova nekropola Seobe naroda iz Singidunuma

Ivanišević, Vujadin; Kazanski, Michel

(Arheološki institut, Beograd, 2007)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Ivanišević, Vujadin
AU  - Kazanski, Michel
PY  - 2007
UR  - http://rai.ai.ac.rs/handle/123456789/89
AB  - Singidunum je tokom razdoblja Seobe naroda doživeo značajne promene Najupečatljiviji trag ostavile su brojne nekropole ukopane na području samog logora i grada, kao i u njegovoj neposrednoj okolini. Prve dve nekropole otkrivene su na prostoru vojnog logora, dok je najveća, treća istražena na prostoru antičke naseobine podignute na dunavskog padini, podno rimskog vojnog logora. Iz grada potiče i nalaz rasturenog groba na Zelenom vencu, kao i jedan grob sa nepoznatim mestom nalaza. U neposrednoj blizini Singidunuma beležimo usamljeni grob na današnjoj Karaburmi i tragove rasturene nekropole kod Ostružnice. U Singidunumu, kao i na njegovoj široj teritoriji konstatovani su tragovi naselja. Svakako najznačajnije naseobine su se razvile, sudeći prema brojnim nalazima keramike i drugih karakterističnih predmeta u podnožju kastruma, uz pristanište, kao i u okviru samog vojnog logora, podignutog na završetku grede, koja dominira ušćem Save u Dunav. Tokom 2005. i 2006. godine, prilikom arheoloških istraživanja na Beogradskoj tvrđavi, na prostoru Zapadnog podgrađa, otkriveni su ostaci nove, četvrte nekropole Seobe naroda (Nekropola IV). U pitanju je zasebno groblje. Dva su osnovna razloga što smo ovu nekropolu posebno izdvojili. Prvi je njena udaljenost od prve, koja iznosi preko 100 metara, a drugi je socijalna struktura sahranjenih. U najnovijoj nekropoli otkriveni su grobovi ratnika dok su u prvoj ukopani pripadnici nižih društvenih slojeva. U sondama otvorenim 2005. i 2006. godine, uz zapadni spoljni zid velikog austrijskog barutnog magacina konstatovana su dva horizonta sahranjivanja. Prvi pripada razdoblju srednjeg veka - grobovi 1 i 2/2005, a drugi horizontu Seobe naroda grobovi 3/2005 i 1 i 2/2006. Grob 3/2005 U severoistočnoj polovini sonde 1 iz 2005. godine, paralelno sa jugoistočnim profilom, konstatovani su ostaci pravougaonog ukopa - grob 3/2005, orijentacije jugozapad - severoistok, u okviru koga su otkriveni ostaci ljudskog skeleta. Kosti su bile razbacane u okviru pomenutog ukopa, što indicira da je grob opljačkan i predmeti pokupljeni, a delom rastureni u ukopu i sloju. Ovom grobu sasvim jasno možemo pripisati gvozdeni umbo i gvozdeni držač torbice. Grob 1/2006 Nažalost grob 1/2006 je samo delimično istražen budući da njegov najveći deo zalazi pod severnoistočni profil. Prilozi u okviru otkrivenog dela groba nisu otkriveni. Grob pripada, smatramo horizontu Seobe naroda, budući da prati orijentaciju druga dva ukopa i skeleta. Grob 2/2006 Grob 2/2006 nađen je u središnjem delu sonde 1 uz severozapadni profil. Ukopan je u grobnu raku nepravilnog pravougaonog oblika, dimenzija 2,70 x 1,20 m, sa blago zaobljenim uglovima koja je bila ispunjena svetlomrkom rastresitom zemljom sa tragovima maltera i ulomcima kamenja, opeke i crepa. Raka je ukopana u malterni pod rimske građevine sa hipokaustom. Sa zapadne strane ukop groba je oštećen većim ognjištem. Pokojnik je sahranjen u opruženom stavu sa rukama uz telo. Orijentacija skeleta je jugozapad - severoistok, sa glavom na jugozapadu i licem okrenutim ka jugoistoku. Grob nije pljačkan što nam dozvoljava da jasno opredelimo brojne nađene predmete, koji se mogu razdvojiti u tri zasebne grupe: predmete koje je pokojnik nosio (1-16), priloge (17-46) i delove drvenog sanduka ili poklopca (47-49). U prvu grupu spadaju predmeti koji čine delove nošnje, kao i oni koje je nosio sa sobom. Sa ovim predmetima pokojnik je sahranjen. Drugu grupu čini oprema koja je položena uz pokojnika, prilikom sahrane, sa njegove leve strane. Reč je mahom o ličnom naoružanju koje je izlomljeno položeno u grobnu raku. Umbo i rukohvat štita su nađeni odvojeno dugački mač je izlomljen na tri dela, koštani luk i vrh koplja su takođe polomljeni, dok su strelice sa delovima tobolca, rasuti mahom uz levu nogu pokojnika, a delom i uz bok. Ovoj grupi pripada i stakleni pehar koji je položen pored rukohvata štita. Treću grupu predmeta čine tri klina koji su pričvršćivali drveni sanduk ili poklopac koji je pokrivao grob. Grobovi otkriveni na prostoru Zapadnog podgrađa Beogradske tvrđave pripadaju, kako smo istakli, novoj, četvrtoj nekropoli Seobe naroda u Singidunumu. Iako su otkrivena samo tri groba, oni se jasno mogu opredeliti u odnosu na ranije slične nalaze na prostoru Donjeg grada. Nova nekropola se nalazi 100 metara jugozapadno od prve i oba groblja su, najverovatnije malog obima i odgovaraju manjim zajednicama. Važan argument za opredeljenje grobova otkrivenih na lokalitetu Zapadno podgrađe kao nove nekropole jeste da su na njoj sahranjeni mahom ratnici, dok su na prvom groblju sahranjeni pripadnici nižeg socijalnog statusa. Priloge u prvoj nekropoli su činili bronzana i gvozdene fibule gvozdene pređice, gvozdeni nož, bronzana alka, niska perli i mali srebrni polumesečasti privesak sa staklenim okcima. Posebnost nove, četvrte nekropole Seobe naroda, predstavlja pojava grobova ratnika koji se retko javljaju na prostoru provincije Mezije I u prvoj polovini 5. veka i sredinom ovog stoleće, kako se datuje nova nekropola. Jedan od retkih ratničkih grobova ovog perioda otkriven je u Viminacijumu. U grobu br. 1607 iz južnog dela nekropole 2 - Više grobalja, nađen je umbo tipa Liebenau koji se datuje od kraja 4. do druge trećine 5. veka. U ovom grobu je nađen i vrh koplja. Autori publikacije su predložili datovanje ovog groba u fazu D1 ili D2 i doveli su njegovu pojavu sa mogućnošću postojanja plaćeničkog 'varvarskog' garnizona u Viminacijumu u drugoj polovini 5. veka, pred pada grada pod Hune. Ovom horizontu sahranjivanja treba dodati i grob 134 iz Viminacijuma. U Singidunumu tragovi ranih grobova Seobe naroda mogu se ispratiti u Nekropoli III u grobovima 19a, 28, 59 i 78, a možda i 42 i 99. Na osnovu analogija prilozi se datuju u fazu D1 - D2. Elemente nove duhovne i materijalne kulture na prostoru severnog Ilirika širili su u prvom redu vojnici i njihovi sledbenici. Naseljeni varvari su kao vojnici dobili status federata radi odbrane granice od drugih varvara koji su stalno pretili upadima na teritorije Carstva. Jačanje odbrane možemo dovesti u vezu sa naporima Teodosija II u odbrani balkanskih provincija Carstva, posebno između 410. i 425. godine, kada beležimo značajne aktivnosti na obnovi limesa. Sasvim je izvesno da je dunavska granica u provincijama Mezija I, Dakija ripenzis Mezija II i Skitija, predstavljala za Carstvo važnu stratešku liniju protiv varvara i njihovog upada u centralne delove i dublje na teritoriju. O ovome svedoči i činjenica da je skoro trećina nabrojanih garnizona u spisu Notitia Dignitatum, 104 ukupno, raspoređena duž pomenutog dela limesa. U ovom istom dokumentu navodi se Singidunum kao sedište prefekta IV flavijeve legije praefectus legionis quartae Flaviae, Singiduno. Uprkos naporima Rimljana Huni su prodrli u jugoistočnu Evropu, ubrzo postavši gospodari velike panonske nizije u kojoj su se nametnuli kao gospodari drugim narodima Gotima, Gepidima i Sarmatima, koji su živeli na ovim prostorima. Huni su ubrzo predvođeni Atilom došli u sukob sa Carstvom, da bi 441. godine, pod izgovorom o nepoštovanju ugovora iz 434. godine i ponašanju episkopa Marguma, napali severne granice Carstva i osvojili brojne gradove i utvrđenja, među njima i one najveće Singidunum, Margum, Viminacium, Naissus. Veličinu krize podvlači i sledeća vest Priska koji navodi da je Atila 447. godine zatražio novim ugovorom povlačenje rimske populacije od Singidunuma do Naisusa, u dubini od 5 dana hoda. Ne treba isključiti mogućnost da se i deo samih varvara sklonio na teritoriju Carstva pred hunskom opasnošću. U prilog ove teze naveli bi i jednu od stavki već pomenutog ugovora iz 434. godine između Rimljana i Huna prema kojoj se rimska država obavezala da će predati Hunima sve varvarske prebege. Veliki broj grobova ovog razdoblja u Singidunumu, u Viminaciumu, ali i u drugim mestima duž dunavskog limesa jasno su svedočanstvo priliva novih populacija na prostor Mezije I, u prvom redu njenih pograničnih gradova. Ove demografske promene su u direktnoj vezi sa zauzimanjem Singidunuma Viminacijuma, kao i drugih gradova 441. godine od strane Atile i koalicije snaga koje su činili Huni, Germani i Sarmati. Formiranje većeg broja manjih kao i većih nekropola u okviru jednog grada svedoči o različitim naseljenim etničkim grupacijama. Četvrta nekropola Seobe naroda iz Singidunuma se datuje, na osnovu priloga u grobovima, u prvu polovinu 5. veka, s time što se materijal iz groba 3/2005 može opredeliti u kraj 4. veka i početak 5. stoleća, a grob 2/2006 u tridesete i četrdesete godine 5. veka, u kraj faze D2, odnosno godine 420/430-450. Varvari počinju da se naseljavaju na području Mezije I i u njenim gradovima na dunavskoj granici, krajem 4. i u prvim decenijama 5. veka. Pronađeni tragovi materijalne kulture jasno svedoče o jednom novom procesu koji će se ubrzati naročito nakon pada limesa 441. godine. Nestanak rimske administracije i povlačenje vojske u Severnom Iliriku, otvorena su širom vrata za naseljavanje varvara, koji zauzimaju i nastanjuju nekada bogate gradove, u prvom redu Singidunum, Margum i Viminacijum. Pojava brojnih nekropola u ovom periodu jasan su pokazatelj naseljavanja manjih zasebnih grupa u gradovima koje se sahranjuju na posebnim grobljima. Grobovi ratnika iz nove, četvrte nekropole u Singidunumu pripadaju posebnoj skupini sahrana sa oružjem koje se javljaju kao grupe grobova ili manje zasebne nekropole. Posebno su zastupljene u ovom periodu u oblasti Tise, u istočnim delovima panonske nizije i severno od oblasti srednjeg Dunava. Reč je o novoj klasi ratnika koja se formirala u okviru germanskih zajednica u vreme hunske dominacije. Njih karakteriše oružje orijentalnog porekla, kao mačevi 'azijskog' tipa sa gvozdenim zaštitnikom 'nomadske' trobride strelice i drugo. Pomenute odlike nalazimo u okviru našeg materijala, a ratnik sahranjen u grobu 2/2006 pravi je izdanak ove nove varvarske kaste. Zahvaljujući nalazu srebrne pozlaćene pločaste kopče u istom grobu i analogijama sa identičnim i sličnim nalazima iz Hódmezovásárhelz-Sóshalom i Ártánd-Kisfarkasdomb, grob 16, možemo pretpostaviti da je naš ratnik došao iz oblasti Tise, odnosno istočnih delova panonske nizije upravo u vreme pomeranja brojnih varvarskih plemena.
AB  - Les auteurs publient une nouvelle nécropole des Grandes migrations mise au jour à Singidunum. Il est question de trois tombes dont la dernière dégagée (2/2006) a apporté, grâce à son mobilier funéraire conservé intact, d'importantes données sur l'installation des barbares à Singidunum importante place romaine du limes danubien. Le rituel d'inhumation, avec dépôt dans la tombe des armes brisées du défunt, a été rapproché des pratiques des Germains danubiens. Cette sépulture, et plus largement l'ensemble de la nécropole en question où ont été inhumés des guerriers, est datée de l'époque de la domination des Huns.
PB  - Arheološki institut, Beograd
T2  - Starinar
T1  - Nova nekropola Seobe naroda iz Singidunuma
T1  - Nouvelle nécropole des Grandes migrations de Singidunum
T1  - Nouvelle nécropole des Grandes migrations de Singidunum
EP  - 135
IS  - 57
SP  - 113
DO  - 10.2298/STA0757113I
UR  - conv_689
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Ivanišević, Vujadin and Kazanski, Michel",
year = "2007",
abstract = "Singidunum je tokom razdoblja Seobe naroda doživeo značajne promene Najupečatljiviji trag ostavile su brojne nekropole ukopane na području samog logora i grada, kao i u njegovoj neposrednoj okolini. Prve dve nekropole otkrivene su na prostoru vojnog logora, dok je najveća, treća istražena na prostoru antičke naseobine podignute na dunavskog padini, podno rimskog vojnog logora. Iz grada potiče i nalaz rasturenog groba na Zelenom vencu, kao i jedan grob sa nepoznatim mestom nalaza. U neposrednoj blizini Singidunuma beležimo usamljeni grob na današnjoj Karaburmi i tragove rasturene nekropole kod Ostružnice. U Singidunumu, kao i na njegovoj široj teritoriji konstatovani su tragovi naselja. Svakako najznačajnije naseobine su se razvile, sudeći prema brojnim nalazima keramike i drugih karakterističnih predmeta u podnožju kastruma, uz pristanište, kao i u okviru samog vojnog logora, podignutog na završetku grede, koja dominira ušćem Save u Dunav. Tokom 2005. i 2006. godine, prilikom arheoloških istraživanja na Beogradskoj tvrđavi, na prostoru Zapadnog podgrađa, otkriveni su ostaci nove, četvrte nekropole Seobe naroda (Nekropola IV). U pitanju je zasebno groblje. Dva su osnovna razloga što smo ovu nekropolu posebno izdvojili. Prvi je njena udaljenost od prve, koja iznosi preko 100 metara, a drugi je socijalna struktura sahranjenih. U najnovijoj nekropoli otkriveni su grobovi ratnika dok su u prvoj ukopani pripadnici nižih društvenih slojeva. U sondama otvorenim 2005. i 2006. godine, uz zapadni spoljni zid velikog austrijskog barutnog magacina konstatovana su dva horizonta sahranjivanja. Prvi pripada razdoblju srednjeg veka - grobovi 1 i 2/2005, a drugi horizontu Seobe naroda grobovi 3/2005 i 1 i 2/2006. Grob 3/2005 U severoistočnoj polovini sonde 1 iz 2005. godine, paralelno sa jugoistočnim profilom, konstatovani su ostaci pravougaonog ukopa - grob 3/2005, orijentacije jugozapad - severoistok, u okviru koga su otkriveni ostaci ljudskog skeleta. Kosti su bile razbacane u okviru pomenutog ukopa, što indicira da je grob opljačkan i predmeti pokupljeni, a delom rastureni u ukopu i sloju. Ovom grobu sasvim jasno možemo pripisati gvozdeni umbo i gvozdeni držač torbice. Grob 1/2006 Nažalost grob 1/2006 je samo delimično istražen budući da njegov najveći deo zalazi pod severnoistočni profil. Prilozi u okviru otkrivenog dela groba nisu otkriveni. Grob pripada, smatramo horizontu Seobe naroda, budući da prati orijentaciju druga dva ukopa i skeleta. Grob 2/2006 Grob 2/2006 nađen je u središnjem delu sonde 1 uz severozapadni profil. Ukopan je u grobnu raku nepravilnog pravougaonog oblika, dimenzija 2,70 x 1,20 m, sa blago zaobljenim uglovima koja je bila ispunjena svetlomrkom rastresitom zemljom sa tragovima maltera i ulomcima kamenja, opeke i crepa. Raka je ukopana u malterni pod rimske građevine sa hipokaustom. Sa zapadne strane ukop groba je oštećen većim ognjištem. Pokojnik je sahranjen u opruženom stavu sa rukama uz telo. Orijentacija skeleta je jugozapad - severoistok, sa glavom na jugozapadu i licem okrenutim ka jugoistoku. Grob nije pljačkan što nam dozvoljava da jasno opredelimo brojne nađene predmete, koji se mogu razdvojiti u tri zasebne grupe: predmete koje je pokojnik nosio (1-16), priloge (17-46) i delove drvenog sanduka ili poklopca (47-49). U prvu grupu spadaju predmeti koji čine delove nošnje, kao i oni koje je nosio sa sobom. Sa ovim predmetima pokojnik je sahranjen. Drugu grupu čini oprema koja je položena uz pokojnika, prilikom sahrane, sa njegove leve strane. Reč je mahom o ličnom naoružanju koje je izlomljeno položeno u grobnu raku. Umbo i rukohvat štita su nađeni odvojeno dugački mač je izlomljen na tri dela, koštani luk i vrh koplja su takođe polomljeni, dok su strelice sa delovima tobolca, rasuti mahom uz levu nogu pokojnika, a delom i uz bok. Ovoj grupi pripada i stakleni pehar koji je položen pored rukohvata štita. Treću grupu predmeta čine tri klina koji su pričvršćivali drveni sanduk ili poklopac koji je pokrivao grob. Grobovi otkriveni na prostoru Zapadnog podgrađa Beogradske tvrđave pripadaju, kako smo istakli, novoj, četvrtoj nekropoli Seobe naroda u Singidunumu. Iako su otkrivena samo tri groba, oni se jasno mogu opredeliti u odnosu na ranije slične nalaze na prostoru Donjeg grada. Nova nekropola se nalazi 100 metara jugozapadno od prve i oba groblja su, najverovatnije malog obima i odgovaraju manjim zajednicama. Važan argument za opredeljenje grobova otkrivenih na lokalitetu Zapadno podgrađe kao nove nekropole jeste da su na njoj sahranjeni mahom ratnici, dok su na prvom groblju sahranjeni pripadnici nižeg socijalnog statusa. Priloge u prvoj nekropoli su činili bronzana i gvozdene fibule gvozdene pređice, gvozdeni nož, bronzana alka, niska perli i mali srebrni polumesečasti privesak sa staklenim okcima. Posebnost nove, četvrte nekropole Seobe naroda, predstavlja pojava grobova ratnika koji se retko javljaju na prostoru provincije Mezije I u prvoj polovini 5. veka i sredinom ovog stoleće, kako se datuje nova nekropola. Jedan od retkih ratničkih grobova ovog perioda otkriven je u Viminacijumu. U grobu br. 1607 iz južnog dela nekropole 2 - Više grobalja, nađen je umbo tipa Liebenau koji se datuje od kraja 4. do druge trećine 5. veka. U ovom grobu je nađen i vrh koplja. Autori publikacije su predložili datovanje ovog groba u fazu D1 ili D2 i doveli su njegovu pojavu sa mogućnošću postojanja plaćeničkog 'varvarskog' garnizona u Viminacijumu u drugoj polovini 5. veka, pred pada grada pod Hune. Ovom horizontu sahranjivanja treba dodati i grob 134 iz Viminacijuma. U Singidunumu tragovi ranih grobova Seobe naroda mogu se ispratiti u Nekropoli III u grobovima 19a, 28, 59 i 78, a možda i 42 i 99. Na osnovu analogija prilozi se datuju u fazu D1 - D2. Elemente nove duhovne i materijalne kulture na prostoru severnog Ilirika širili su u prvom redu vojnici i njihovi sledbenici. Naseljeni varvari su kao vojnici dobili status federata radi odbrane granice od drugih varvara koji su stalno pretili upadima na teritorije Carstva. Jačanje odbrane možemo dovesti u vezu sa naporima Teodosija II u odbrani balkanskih provincija Carstva, posebno između 410. i 425. godine, kada beležimo značajne aktivnosti na obnovi limesa. Sasvim je izvesno da je dunavska granica u provincijama Mezija I, Dakija ripenzis Mezija II i Skitija, predstavljala za Carstvo važnu stratešku liniju protiv varvara i njihovog upada u centralne delove i dublje na teritoriju. O ovome svedoči i činjenica da je skoro trećina nabrojanih garnizona u spisu Notitia Dignitatum, 104 ukupno, raspoređena duž pomenutog dela limesa. U ovom istom dokumentu navodi se Singidunum kao sedište prefekta IV flavijeve legije praefectus legionis quartae Flaviae, Singiduno. Uprkos naporima Rimljana Huni su prodrli u jugoistočnu Evropu, ubrzo postavši gospodari velike panonske nizije u kojoj su se nametnuli kao gospodari drugim narodima Gotima, Gepidima i Sarmatima, koji su živeli na ovim prostorima. Huni su ubrzo predvođeni Atilom došli u sukob sa Carstvom, da bi 441. godine, pod izgovorom o nepoštovanju ugovora iz 434. godine i ponašanju episkopa Marguma, napali severne granice Carstva i osvojili brojne gradove i utvrđenja, među njima i one najveće Singidunum, Margum, Viminacium, Naissus. Veličinu krize podvlači i sledeća vest Priska koji navodi da je Atila 447. godine zatražio novim ugovorom povlačenje rimske populacije od Singidunuma do Naisusa, u dubini od 5 dana hoda. Ne treba isključiti mogućnost da se i deo samih varvara sklonio na teritoriju Carstva pred hunskom opasnošću. U prilog ove teze naveli bi i jednu od stavki već pomenutog ugovora iz 434. godine između Rimljana i Huna prema kojoj se rimska država obavezala da će predati Hunima sve varvarske prebege. Veliki broj grobova ovog razdoblja u Singidunumu, u Viminaciumu, ali i u drugim mestima duž dunavskog limesa jasno su svedočanstvo priliva novih populacija na prostor Mezije I, u prvom redu njenih pograničnih gradova. Ove demografske promene su u direktnoj vezi sa zauzimanjem Singidunuma Viminacijuma, kao i drugih gradova 441. godine od strane Atile i koalicije snaga koje su činili Huni, Germani i Sarmati. Formiranje većeg broja manjih kao i većih nekropola u okviru jednog grada svedoči o različitim naseljenim etničkim grupacijama. Četvrta nekropola Seobe naroda iz Singidunuma se datuje, na osnovu priloga u grobovima, u prvu polovinu 5. veka, s time što se materijal iz groba 3/2005 može opredeliti u kraj 4. veka i početak 5. stoleća, a grob 2/2006 u tridesete i četrdesete godine 5. veka, u kraj faze D2, odnosno godine 420/430-450. Varvari počinju da se naseljavaju na području Mezije I i u njenim gradovima na dunavskoj granici, krajem 4. i u prvim decenijama 5. veka. Pronađeni tragovi materijalne kulture jasno svedoče o jednom novom procesu koji će se ubrzati naročito nakon pada limesa 441. godine. Nestanak rimske administracije i povlačenje vojske u Severnom Iliriku, otvorena su širom vrata za naseljavanje varvara, koji zauzimaju i nastanjuju nekada bogate gradove, u prvom redu Singidunum, Margum i Viminacijum. Pojava brojnih nekropola u ovom periodu jasan su pokazatelj naseljavanja manjih zasebnih grupa u gradovima koje se sahranjuju na posebnim grobljima. Grobovi ratnika iz nove, četvrte nekropole u Singidunumu pripadaju posebnoj skupini sahrana sa oružjem koje se javljaju kao grupe grobova ili manje zasebne nekropole. Posebno su zastupljene u ovom periodu u oblasti Tise, u istočnim delovima panonske nizije i severno od oblasti srednjeg Dunava. Reč je o novoj klasi ratnika koja se formirala u okviru germanskih zajednica u vreme hunske dominacije. Njih karakteriše oružje orijentalnog porekla, kao mačevi 'azijskog' tipa sa gvozdenim zaštitnikom 'nomadske' trobride strelice i drugo. Pomenute odlike nalazimo u okviru našeg materijala, a ratnik sahranjen u grobu 2/2006 pravi je izdanak ove nove varvarske kaste. Zahvaljujući nalazu srebrne pozlaćene pločaste kopče u istom grobu i analogijama sa identičnim i sličnim nalazima iz Hódmezovásárhelz-Sóshalom i Ártánd-Kisfarkasdomb, grob 16, možemo pretpostaviti da je naš ratnik došao iz oblasti Tise, odnosno istočnih delova panonske nizije upravo u vreme pomeranja brojnih varvarskih plemena., Les auteurs publient une nouvelle nécropole des Grandes migrations mise au jour à Singidunum. Il est question de trois tombes dont la dernière dégagée (2/2006) a apporté, grâce à son mobilier funéraire conservé intact, d'importantes données sur l'installation des barbares à Singidunum importante place romaine du limes danubien. Le rituel d'inhumation, avec dépôt dans la tombe des armes brisées du défunt, a été rapproché des pratiques des Germains danubiens. Cette sépulture, et plus largement l'ensemble de la nécropole en question où ont été inhumés des guerriers, est datée de l'époque de la domination des Huns.",
publisher = "Arheološki institut, Beograd",
journal = "Starinar",
title = "Nova nekropola Seobe naroda iz Singidunuma, Nouvelle nécropole des Grandes migrations de Singidunum, Nouvelle nécropole des Grandes migrations de Singidunum",
pages = "135-113",
number = "57",
doi = "10.2298/STA0757113I",
url = "conv_689"
}
Ivanišević, V.,& Kazanski, M.. (2007). Nova nekropola Seobe naroda iz Singidunuma. in Starinar
Arheološki institut, Beograd.(57), 113-135.
https://doi.org/10.2298/STA0757113I
conv_689
Ivanišević V, Kazanski M. Nova nekropola Seobe naroda iz Singidunuma. in Starinar. 2007;(57):113-135.
doi:10.2298/STA0757113I
conv_689 .
Ivanišević, Vujadin, Kazanski, Michel, "Nova nekropola Seobe naroda iz Singidunuma" in Starinar, no. 57 (2007):113-135,
https://doi.org/10.2298/STA0757113I .,
conv_689 .
2

Kasnoantički nalazi sa Čečana i Gornjih Streoca (Kosovo)

Ivanišević, Vujadin; Špehar, Perica

(Arheološki institut, Beograd, 2005)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Ivanišević, Vujadin
AU  - Špehar, Perica
PY  - 2005
UR  - http://rai.ai.ac.rs/handle/123456789/63
AB  - Materijalna kultura kasnoantičkog perioda Kosova slabo je poznata. Tako je u katalogu izložbe "Arheološko blago Kosova i Metohije" period od tetrarhije do vremena Iraklija prikazan malim brojem nalaza. Posebnu prazninu u katalogu predstavlja razdoblje 6. veka, kome je posvećeno svega nekoliko opštih redova. Ovaj rad nema za cilj da dopuni ove nedostatke već da, na primeru dva lokaliteta sa ovog područja, ukaže na značaj materijalne kulture ovog perioda na prostoru Kosova, smeštenog u srcu nekadašnje provincije Dardanije. Treba naglasiti da bogata prošlost Dardanije nije bila predmet širih proučavanja. Izostalo je sistematsko rekognosciranje teritorije i proučavanje brojnih spomenika, posebno gradina, koje su, najčešće samo popisane, bez osnovnih podataka o vremenu nastanka i trajanja, veličini i izgledu. Jedan deo ovih utvrđenja delimično je istražen, tokom sedamdesetih godina 20. veka, u okviru projekata "Kosovo u ranom srednjem veku", kojim je rukovodio istoričar Relja Novaković. Tokom ovih istraživanja prikupljena je arheološka građa iz praistorije, antike i srednjeg veka koja potiče sa dve gradine kod mesta Čečan i Gornji Streoc, nedaleko od Vučitrna. Praistorijski i srednjovekovni nalazi su publikovani, dok je najbogatiji fond predmeta iz kasne antike ostao naučnoj javnosti nepoznat. Lokalitet Čečan nalazi se oko 8 km jugozapadno od Vučitrna, na brdu Gradina (Kaljaja) kod sela Dubovac, koje predstavlja ogranak planine Čičavice. Vrh brda, čija najviša tačka iznosi 473 m predstavlja plato, koji je sa svih strana, izuzimajući severnu, okružen strmim padinama. Povoljan strateški položaj zapažen je još tokom starijeg gvozdenog doba kada je podignuto utvrđenje koje će trajati, sudeći prema nalazima, i tokom mlađeg gvozdenog doba. Novo fortificiranje prostora započinje tokom rimskog perioda kada je, prema V. Jovanovića, podignuto utvrđenje - refugijum, koji će svoj puni značaj dobiti u 4. a posebno u 6. veku. Nakon dužeg prekida prostor se ponovo utvrđuje u 10. stole- ću, a R. Novaković, koji je proučavao ovu oblast, pretpostavlja da je Gradina na Čečanu živela i u 14. veku. Lokalitet Gradina pripada nizu utvrda koje se prostiru od Čečana preko Kosmača i Gradine kod Vrbovca do Korovljeve. Dalje na jug, na padinama same Čičevice, zabeleženo je postojanje tri gradine na Crnom Vrhu, Žilivodama i Gornjim Streocima. Arheološki najpoznatija gradina smeštena je na jugoistočnim padinama planine Čičevica, oko 7 km severozapadno od Obilića i pripada ataru sela Gornji Streoc. Prilikom obilaska terena zabeleženi su ostaci bedema, koji obuhvataju površinu od oko 250 x 150 koraka. R. Novaković je na ovom lokalitetu zabeležio postojanje masivnih paralelnih zidova koji su na pojedinim trasama podignuti na rastojanju od samo nekoliko desetina centimetara, dok su na drugim postavljeni jedan uz drugi. Po svemu sudeći radi se o bedemima iz različitih faza života utvrđenja. Blizina između bedema i preklapanje trase na pojedinim deonicama ukazuje na obnovu trase, a ne na postojanje, kako je sam autor mislio protehizme - dvojnog bedema. Utvrđenju se pristupalo preko grebena. Prikupljeni nalazi iz dva utvrđenja, kod Čečana i Gornjih Streoca, govore o značaju ovih fortifikacija u razdoblju kasne antike, a posebno u 6. veku. Dardanija je, sudeći prema postojanju velikog broja fortifikacija, bila znatno naseljena u razdoblju kasne antike o čemu svedoče utvrde podignute širom teritorije, često i na teško pristupačnim terenima i planinskim vencima. Sa druge strane, provincije je bila slabo urbanizovana. Razloge slabe urbanizacije treba potražiti u otporu prema helenizaciji i kasnom i slabom procesu romanizacije provincije. Unutrašnja organizacija provincije bila je određena privrednim tokovima koji su počivali, u prvim vekovima naše ere na rudarstvu i poljoprivredi koja je bila okrenuta lokalnom tržištu i snabdevanju trupa stacioniranih na dunavskom limesu. Znatna količina gvozdenog alata i drugih predmeta nađenih na gradinama u Čečenu i Velikom Sterocu govori u prilog razvijene zanatske proizvodnje i obrade gvožđa. Veliki broj nađenih ključeva različitih vrsta ukazuje, verujemo, na postojanje bravarske radionice na lokalitetu Gornji Streoc. O postojanju zanatske obrade kosti i stakla svedoče i drugi nalazi sa lokaliteta Gornji Streoc. Pomenimo poludovršeni koštani zatvarača torbe, bez uglačanih ivica i površine, kao i nalaze sirovine stakla. Poljoprivredna delatnost je potvrđena velikim brojem nalaza alata za obradu zemlje, za žetvu i za voćarstvo. Ovo je svakako u skladu sa ekonomikom prostora okrenutog ka eksploatacije plodnih ravnica i udolina. O ovom procesu jasno svedoče i nazivi utvrda u Dardaniji navedeni kod Prokopija koja nose imena starih rimskih zemljoposednika. Mnoge nepoznanice vezane za prošlost provincije Dardanije, posebno u prelomnom razdoblju 6. veka, mogu biti razrešene budućim sistematskim rekognosciranjem i arheološkim istraživanjima brojnih utvrđenja rasutih na širokom prostoru Kosova i Metohije i susednih oblasti. Samo sistematska izučavanja istorijskih izvora, epigrafskih spomenika i arheološke građe doprineće potpunijem proučavanju provincije Dardanije, središne oblasti Ilirika.
AB  - In this article, we presented the archaeological finds from Čečan and Gornji Streoc - hill-forts on Mount Čičevica in the immediate vicinity of Vučitrn (Kosovo). We studied the archaeological material from the Roman, Late Roman and, in particular from the Early Byzantine period. A large number of archaeological objects and especially iron tools found on the Čečan and Gornji Streoc fortresses indicate a well-developed level of production in the crafts and iron manufacturer. We emphasize the importance of these fortresses in Late Roman times and we highlight the fortification of the interior regions of Illyricum. This suggests that Dardania had a considerable population in the Late Roman period as is confirmed by the many fortresses constructed throughout the entire region, often on almost inaccessible terrain.
PB  - Arheološki institut, Beograd
T2  - Starinar
T1  - Kasnoantički nalazi sa Čečana i Gornjih Streoca (Kosovo)
T1  - Early Byzantine finds from Čečan and Gornji Streoc (Kosovo)
EP  - 159
IS  - 55
SP  - 133
DO  - 10.2298/STA0555133I
UR  - conv_749
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Ivanišević, Vujadin and Špehar, Perica",
year = "2005",
abstract = "Materijalna kultura kasnoantičkog perioda Kosova slabo je poznata. Tako je u katalogu izložbe "Arheološko blago Kosova i Metohije" period od tetrarhije do vremena Iraklija prikazan malim brojem nalaza. Posebnu prazninu u katalogu predstavlja razdoblje 6. veka, kome je posvećeno svega nekoliko opštih redova. Ovaj rad nema za cilj da dopuni ove nedostatke već da, na primeru dva lokaliteta sa ovog područja, ukaže na značaj materijalne kulture ovog perioda na prostoru Kosova, smeštenog u srcu nekadašnje provincije Dardanije. Treba naglasiti da bogata prošlost Dardanije nije bila predmet širih proučavanja. Izostalo je sistematsko rekognosciranje teritorije i proučavanje brojnih spomenika, posebno gradina, koje su, najčešće samo popisane, bez osnovnih podataka o vremenu nastanka i trajanja, veličini i izgledu. Jedan deo ovih utvrđenja delimično je istražen, tokom sedamdesetih godina 20. veka, u okviru projekata "Kosovo u ranom srednjem veku", kojim je rukovodio istoričar Relja Novaković. Tokom ovih istraživanja prikupljena je arheološka građa iz praistorije, antike i srednjeg veka koja potiče sa dve gradine kod mesta Čečan i Gornji Streoc, nedaleko od Vučitrna. Praistorijski i srednjovekovni nalazi su publikovani, dok je najbogatiji fond predmeta iz kasne antike ostao naučnoj javnosti nepoznat. Lokalitet Čečan nalazi se oko 8 km jugozapadno od Vučitrna, na brdu Gradina (Kaljaja) kod sela Dubovac, koje predstavlja ogranak planine Čičavice. Vrh brda, čija najviša tačka iznosi 473 m predstavlja plato, koji je sa svih strana, izuzimajući severnu, okružen strmim padinama. Povoljan strateški položaj zapažen je još tokom starijeg gvozdenog doba kada je podignuto utvrđenje koje će trajati, sudeći prema nalazima, i tokom mlađeg gvozdenog doba. Novo fortificiranje prostora započinje tokom rimskog perioda kada je, prema V. Jovanovića, podignuto utvrđenje - refugijum, koji će svoj puni značaj dobiti u 4. a posebno u 6. veku. Nakon dužeg prekida prostor se ponovo utvrđuje u 10. stole- ću, a R. Novaković, koji je proučavao ovu oblast, pretpostavlja da je Gradina na Čečanu živela i u 14. veku. Lokalitet Gradina pripada nizu utvrda koje se prostiru od Čečana preko Kosmača i Gradine kod Vrbovca do Korovljeve. Dalje na jug, na padinama same Čičevice, zabeleženo je postojanje tri gradine na Crnom Vrhu, Žilivodama i Gornjim Streocima. Arheološki najpoznatija gradina smeštena je na jugoistočnim padinama planine Čičevica, oko 7 km severozapadno od Obilića i pripada ataru sela Gornji Streoc. Prilikom obilaska terena zabeleženi su ostaci bedema, koji obuhvataju površinu od oko 250 x 150 koraka. R. Novaković je na ovom lokalitetu zabeležio postojanje masivnih paralelnih zidova koji su na pojedinim trasama podignuti na rastojanju od samo nekoliko desetina centimetara, dok su na drugim postavljeni jedan uz drugi. Po svemu sudeći radi se o bedemima iz različitih faza života utvrđenja. Blizina između bedema i preklapanje trase na pojedinim deonicama ukazuje na obnovu trase, a ne na postojanje, kako je sam autor mislio protehizme - dvojnog bedema. Utvrđenju se pristupalo preko grebena. Prikupljeni nalazi iz dva utvrđenja, kod Čečana i Gornjih Streoca, govore o značaju ovih fortifikacija u razdoblju kasne antike, a posebno u 6. veku. Dardanija je, sudeći prema postojanju velikog broja fortifikacija, bila znatno naseljena u razdoblju kasne antike o čemu svedoče utvrde podignute širom teritorije, često i na teško pristupačnim terenima i planinskim vencima. Sa druge strane, provincije je bila slabo urbanizovana. Razloge slabe urbanizacije treba potražiti u otporu prema helenizaciji i kasnom i slabom procesu romanizacije provincije. Unutrašnja organizacija provincije bila je određena privrednim tokovima koji su počivali, u prvim vekovima naše ere na rudarstvu i poljoprivredi koja je bila okrenuta lokalnom tržištu i snabdevanju trupa stacioniranih na dunavskom limesu. Znatna količina gvozdenog alata i drugih predmeta nađenih na gradinama u Čečenu i Velikom Sterocu govori u prilog razvijene zanatske proizvodnje i obrade gvožđa. Veliki broj nađenih ključeva različitih vrsta ukazuje, verujemo, na postojanje bravarske radionice na lokalitetu Gornji Streoc. O postojanju zanatske obrade kosti i stakla svedoče i drugi nalazi sa lokaliteta Gornji Streoc. Pomenimo poludovršeni koštani zatvarača torbe, bez uglačanih ivica i površine, kao i nalaze sirovine stakla. Poljoprivredna delatnost je potvrđena velikim brojem nalaza alata za obradu zemlje, za žetvu i za voćarstvo. Ovo je svakako u skladu sa ekonomikom prostora okrenutog ka eksploatacije plodnih ravnica i udolina. O ovom procesu jasno svedoče i nazivi utvrda u Dardaniji navedeni kod Prokopija koja nose imena starih rimskih zemljoposednika. Mnoge nepoznanice vezane za prošlost provincije Dardanije, posebno u prelomnom razdoblju 6. veka, mogu biti razrešene budućim sistematskim rekognosciranjem i arheološkim istraživanjima brojnih utvrđenja rasutih na širokom prostoru Kosova i Metohije i susednih oblasti. Samo sistematska izučavanja istorijskih izvora, epigrafskih spomenika i arheološke građe doprineće potpunijem proučavanju provincije Dardanije, središne oblasti Ilirika., In this article, we presented the archaeological finds from Čečan and Gornji Streoc - hill-forts on Mount Čičevica in the immediate vicinity of Vučitrn (Kosovo). We studied the archaeological material from the Roman, Late Roman and, in particular from the Early Byzantine period. A large number of archaeological objects and especially iron tools found on the Čečan and Gornji Streoc fortresses indicate a well-developed level of production in the crafts and iron manufacturer. We emphasize the importance of these fortresses in Late Roman times and we highlight the fortification of the interior regions of Illyricum. This suggests that Dardania had a considerable population in the Late Roman period as is confirmed by the many fortresses constructed throughout the entire region, often on almost inaccessible terrain.",
publisher = "Arheološki institut, Beograd",
journal = "Starinar",
title = "Kasnoantički nalazi sa Čečana i Gornjih Streoca (Kosovo), Early Byzantine finds from Čečan and Gornji Streoc (Kosovo)",
pages = "159-133",
number = "55",
doi = "10.2298/STA0555133I",
url = "conv_749"
}
Ivanišević, V.,& Špehar, P.. (2005). Kasnoantički nalazi sa Čečana i Gornjih Streoca (Kosovo). in Starinar
Arheološki institut, Beograd.(55), 133-159.
https://doi.org/10.2298/STA0555133I
conv_749
Ivanišević V, Špehar P. Kasnoantički nalazi sa Čečana i Gornjih Streoca (Kosovo). in Starinar. 2005;(55):133-159.
doi:10.2298/STA0555133I
conv_749 .
Ivanišević, Vujadin, Špehar, Perica, "Kasnoantički nalazi sa Čečana i Gornjih Streoca (Kosovo)" in Starinar, no. 55 (2005):133-159,
https://doi.org/10.2298/STA0555133I .,
conv_749 .
2

Caričin grad - pregled istraživanja od 1998. do 2003. godine

Bavant, Bernard; Ivanišević, Vujadin

(Narodni muzej, Leskovac, 2005)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Bavant, Bernard
AU  - Ivanišević, Vujadin
PY  - 2005
UR  - http://rai.ai.ac.rs/handle/123456789/62
AB  - French-Serbian archeological researches on the archeological site Caricin grad were restored during 1997. and they have been lasting till recent days respecting estimated research program-one campaign per year. Explored area in the southwestern area of Lower town were significantly enlarged covering the space between the main street to the east, south gate of Lower town on the southeast and bastion on the south and west. There was explored the area of approx. 80 m in southeast direction and 70 meters in direction of east-west with significant remains of fortifications, street and numerous buildings. This overview includes summarized results of explorations done between 1998-2003. mostly focused on fortification (with southeastern tower) including the main street and the buildings within the explored part.
PB  - Narodni muzej, Leskovac
T2  - Leskovački zbornik
T1  - Caričin grad - pregled istraživanja od 1998. do 2003. godine
T1  - Caricin grad-overview of all archeolog1cal explorations and researches between 1998-2003
EP  - 36
IS  - 45
SP  - 23
UR  - conv_280
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Bavant, Bernard and Ivanišević, Vujadin",
year = "2005",
abstract = "French-Serbian archeological researches on the archeological site Caricin grad were restored during 1997. and they have been lasting till recent days respecting estimated research program-one campaign per year. Explored area in the southwestern area of Lower town were significantly enlarged covering the space between the main street to the east, south gate of Lower town on the southeast and bastion on the south and west. There was explored the area of approx. 80 m in southeast direction and 70 meters in direction of east-west with significant remains of fortifications, street and numerous buildings. This overview includes summarized results of explorations done between 1998-2003. mostly focused on fortification (with southeastern tower) including the main street and the buildings within the explored part.",
publisher = "Narodni muzej, Leskovac",
journal = "Leskovački zbornik",
title = "Caričin grad - pregled istraživanja od 1998. do 2003. godine, Caricin grad-overview of all archeolog1cal explorations and researches between 1998-2003",
pages = "36-23",
number = "45",
url = "conv_280"
}
Bavant, B.,& Ivanišević, V.. (2005). Caričin grad - pregled istraživanja od 1998. do 2003. godine. in Leskovački zbornik
Narodni muzej, Leskovac.(45), 23-36.
conv_280
Bavant B, Ivanišević V. Caričin grad - pregled istraživanja od 1998. do 2003. godine. in Leskovački zbornik. 2005;(45):23-36.
conv_280 .
Bavant, Bernard, Ivanišević, Vujadin, "Caričin grad - pregled istraživanja od 1998. do 2003. godine" in Leskovački zbornik, no. 45 (2005):23-36,
conv_280 .

Caričin grad - istraživanja u 2000. godini

Bavant, Bernard; Ivanišević, Vujadin

(Narodni muzej, Leskovac, 2002)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Bavant, Bernard
AU  - Ivanišević, Vujadin
PY  - 2002
UR  - http://rai.ai.ac.rs/handle/123456789/51
AB  - Les fouilles archéologiques de Caričjin grad sont continuées en 2000 et 2001 par des travaux amples dont le but était le piochement du quartier de colonie dans le sud-ouest de la partie basse. On a exploré de nouveaux secteurs ce qui a résulté par la découverte du plan général de la ville basse. Après ces travaux on a une vue plus précise de l'aspect de la ville et bien des trouvailles permettent une vue plus large de la manière de construction qu'on avait appliquée et du standard à l'époque où la ville existait, au VIe siècle
PB  - Narodni muzej, Leskovac
T2  - Leskovački zbornik
T1  - Caričin grad - istraživanja u 2000. godini
EP  - 68
IS  - 42
SP  - 55
UR  - conv_279
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Bavant, Bernard and Ivanišević, Vujadin",
year = "2002",
abstract = "Les fouilles archéologiques de Caričjin grad sont continuées en 2000 et 2001 par des travaux amples dont le but était le piochement du quartier de colonie dans le sud-ouest de la partie basse. On a exploré de nouveaux secteurs ce qui a résulté par la découverte du plan général de la ville basse. Après ces travaux on a une vue plus précise de l'aspect de la ville et bien des trouvailles permettent une vue plus large de la manière de construction qu'on avait appliquée et du standard à l'époque où la ville existait, au VIe siècle",
publisher = "Narodni muzej, Leskovac",
journal = "Leskovački zbornik",
title = "Caričin grad - istraživanja u 2000. godini",
pages = "68-55",
number = "42",
url = "conv_279"
}
Bavant, B.,& Ivanišević, V.. (2002). Caričin grad - istraživanja u 2000. godini. in Leskovački zbornik
Narodni muzej, Leskovac.(42), 55-68.
conv_279
Bavant B, Ivanišević V. Caričin grad - istraživanja u 2000. godini. in Leskovački zbornik. 2002;(42):55-68.
conv_279 .
Bavant, Bernard, Ivanišević, Vujadin, "Caričin grad - istraživanja u 2000. godini" in Leskovački zbornik, no. 42 (2002):55-68,
conv_279 .

Ostave srpskog srednjovekovnog novca u zbirci narodnog muzeja u Beogradu

Radić, Vesna; Ivanišević, Vujadin

(Narodni muzej, Beograd, 2001)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Radić, Vesna
AU  - Ivanišević, Vujadin
PY  - 2001
UR  - http://rai.ai.ac.rs/handle/123456789/44
AB  - The largest treasury of Serbian medieval coins is stored and kept in the National Museum in Belgrade. As parts of it - systematic collection, numerous hoards and separate collections represent the cornerstone for studying of national coinage. Having that in mind the authors started with their systematic study and cataloguing with the main idea that in the course of studying of Serbian medieval coins in the Museum collection the analysis of hoards first of all could yield significant data and answer the questions related to the chronology, extent of the issues and dies. The study of these finds was taken as priority. On this occasion 32 hoards with 6930 pieces of Serbian medieval coins and all the other contemporaneous coins were classified. The determination was done according to the rulers, nominals, mints, issues, sigla and references in the most reliable catalogues. All the specimens were weighed. In such a way we got basic information about coin hoards while for the second phase of the work we plan the comprehensive analysis of the hoards with all the necessary descriptions. At this first level of study we acquired a solid basis for the interpretation of money circulation from the beginning of minting of Serbian denars at the end of the 13th century until the middle of the 15th century when Serbia came under the Ottoman rule. The coin hoards from the collection of National Museum in Belgrade illustrate the complete Serbian coinage and represent the key to the interpretation of coinage and money circulation in our territories. The coinage in the time of king Stefan Dragutin, Stefan Uroš II Milutin and Stefan Vladislav could be clearly apprehended from the hoards deposited in the National Museum: Tetovo (Skoplje), Dučina, Bosnia?, Postenje, Dobrište and Kragujevac. These finds clearly demonstrate the advancement of coinage in Serbia and its expansion by way of development of monetary relations and establishing of new mints. We have most information for the period of reign of king Stefan Uroš III and czar Stefan Dušan. There is large number of hoards with many deposited coins: Žabare, Prilužje (Pridvorica and Prizren), Novi Banovci, Soko Banja, General Kantardžijevo (Varna), Belovo, Kičevo 1, the hoard from the unknown site, Uroševac and Novi Pazar. Numerous types and their issues reflecting the advanced and well-organized coinage are represented in these hoards. The amplification of the monetary system during the reign of czar Stefan Uroš V and appearance of parallel coinage of king Vukašin and other regional lords is confirmed by the finds from Bujanovac, Gnjilane-Uroševac, Koštunić, Djakovica-Rača, Stobi, Smederevska Palanka and especially Kičevo 2. This last mentioned hoard represents the key to the understanding of complexity of monetary relations in this period. The time of knez Lazar, Vuk Branković and other vassal masters is represented in the hoards from Čuka, Mramor and Mali Bonjinac. Although small in number they reveal the depth of crisis in which the Serbian territories sank in the last quarter of the 14th century. Finds from Prokuplje, Sot, Banatska Dubica, Podeni and Rabrovo belong to the final period of coinage in the medieval Serbia. These hoards where also the coins of other states and cities were present bear witness that despot ate faced, after political and economic turn towards Hungary, different economic structure, no doubt as a consequence of the trade development. With presented hoards the list of hoards stored in the collections of the National Museum in Belgrade should not be considered complete. Serbian coins are present although in small quantity in the hoards of Bosnian coins At the same time certain large finds are scattered within the systematic collection of the National Museum, like the large hoard from Kosovo Polje discovered in 1873 or the hoard of ‘denars with flag’ from Studenica found in 1908 (Dimitrijević 1981, 30-32, no 66; 11-12, no 16: with earlier literature). There are also some hoards that are parts of certain collections as Kovačević collection where is the hoard from Vinča discovered in 1902 (Bajalović - Hadži-Pešić 1977, 100) and some other finds as well. We would like also to add at the end that the collection of the National Museum in Belgrade was recently enriched with an exceptional hoard of trachea of king Radoslav discovered at Ras fortification in 1972 (Gaj-Popović 1976, 121-132; Gaj-Popović 1985, 102-118). The investigators are facing a difficult task to present exceptionally rich and abundant numismatic material, as well as to reconstruct from the Museum collections those ‘lost’ finds and that will, on the whole, contribute to the more comprehensive understanding of the monetary system of the medieval Serbia.
PB  - Narodni muzej, Beograd
T2  - Zbornik Narodnog muzeja - serija: Arheologija
T1  - Ostave srpskog srednjovekovnog novca u zbirci narodnog muzeja u Beogradu
T1  - Hoards of Serbian medieval coins in Belgrade national museum collection
EP  - 307
IS  - 1
SP  - 285
VL  - 17
UR  - conv_177
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Radić, Vesna and Ivanišević, Vujadin",
year = "2001",
abstract = "The largest treasury of Serbian medieval coins is stored and kept in the National Museum in Belgrade. As parts of it - systematic collection, numerous hoards and separate collections represent the cornerstone for studying of national coinage. Having that in mind the authors started with their systematic study and cataloguing with the main idea that in the course of studying of Serbian medieval coins in the Museum collection the analysis of hoards first of all could yield significant data and answer the questions related to the chronology, extent of the issues and dies. The study of these finds was taken as priority. On this occasion 32 hoards with 6930 pieces of Serbian medieval coins and all the other contemporaneous coins were classified. The determination was done according to the rulers, nominals, mints, issues, sigla and references in the most reliable catalogues. All the specimens were weighed. In such a way we got basic information about coin hoards while for the second phase of the work we plan the comprehensive analysis of the hoards with all the necessary descriptions. At this first level of study we acquired a solid basis for the interpretation of money circulation from the beginning of minting of Serbian denars at the end of the 13th century until the middle of the 15th century when Serbia came under the Ottoman rule. The coin hoards from the collection of National Museum in Belgrade illustrate the complete Serbian coinage and represent the key to the interpretation of coinage and money circulation in our territories. The coinage in the time of king Stefan Dragutin, Stefan Uroš II Milutin and Stefan Vladislav could be clearly apprehended from the hoards deposited in the National Museum: Tetovo (Skoplje), Dučina, Bosnia?, Postenje, Dobrište and Kragujevac. These finds clearly demonstrate the advancement of coinage in Serbia and its expansion by way of development of monetary relations and establishing of new mints. We have most information for the period of reign of king Stefan Uroš III and czar Stefan Dušan. There is large number of hoards with many deposited coins: Žabare, Prilužje (Pridvorica and Prizren), Novi Banovci, Soko Banja, General Kantardžijevo (Varna), Belovo, Kičevo 1, the hoard from the unknown site, Uroševac and Novi Pazar. Numerous types and their issues reflecting the advanced and well-organized coinage are represented in these hoards. The amplification of the monetary system during the reign of czar Stefan Uroš V and appearance of parallel coinage of king Vukašin and other regional lords is confirmed by the finds from Bujanovac, Gnjilane-Uroševac, Koštunić, Djakovica-Rača, Stobi, Smederevska Palanka and especially Kičevo 2. This last mentioned hoard represents the key to the understanding of complexity of monetary relations in this period. The time of knez Lazar, Vuk Branković and other vassal masters is represented in the hoards from Čuka, Mramor and Mali Bonjinac. Although small in number they reveal the depth of crisis in which the Serbian territories sank in the last quarter of the 14th century. Finds from Prokuplje, Sot, Banatska Dubica, Podeni and Rabrovo belong to the final period of coinage in the medieval Serbia. These hoards where also the coins of other states and cities were present bear witness that despot ate faced, after political and economic turn towards Hungary, different economic structure, no doubt as a consequence of the trade development. With presented hoards the list of hoards stored in the collections of the National Museum in Belgrade should not be considered complete. Serbian coins are present although in small quantity in the hoards of Bosnian coins At the same time certain large finds are scattered within the systematic collection of the National Museum, like the large hoard from Kosovo Polje discovered in 1873 or the hoard of ‘denars with flag’ from Studenica found in 1908 (Dimitrijević 1981, 30-32, no 66; 11-12, no 16: with earlier literature). There are also some hoards that are parts of certain collections as Kovačević collection where is the hoard from Vinča discovered in 1902 (Bajalović - Hadži-Pešić 1977, 100) and some other finds as well. We would like also to add at the end that the collection of the National Museum in Belgrade was recently enriched with an exceptional hoard of trachea of king Radoslav discovered at Ras fortification in 1972 (Gaj-Popović 1976, 121-132; Gaj-Popović 1985, 102-118). The investigators are facing a difficult task to present exceptionally rich and abundant numismatic material, as well as to reconstruct from the Museum collections those ‘lost’ finds and that will, on the whole, contribute to the more comprehensive understanding of the monetary system of the medieval Serbia.",
publisher = "Narodni muzej, Beograd",
journal = "Zbornik Narodnog muzeja - serija: Arheologija",
title = "Ostave srpskog srednjovekovnog novca u zbirci narodnog muzeja u Beogradu, Hoards of Serbian medieval coins in Belgrade national museum collection",
pages = "307-285",
number = "1",
volume = "17",
url = "conv_177"
}
Radić, V.,& Ivanišević, V.. (2001). Ostave srpskog srednjovekovnog novca u zbirci narodnog muzeja u Beogradu. in Zbornik Narodnog muzeja - serija: Arheologija
Narodni muzej, Beograd., 17(1), 285-307.
conv_177
Radić V, Ivanišević V. Ostave srpskog srednjovekovnog novca u zbirci narodnog muzeja u Beogradu. in Zbornik Narodnog muzeja - serija: Arheologija. 2001;17(1):285-307.
conv_177 .
Radić, Vesna, Ivanišević, Vujadin, "Ostave srpskog srednjovekovnog novca u zbirci narodnog muzeja u Beogradu" in Zbornik Narodnog muzeja - serija: Arheologija, 17, no. 1 (2001):285-307,
conv_177 .

Prostor oko južne kapije Gornjeg grada Beogradske tvrđave

Bikić, Vesna; Ivanišević, Vujadin

(Arheološki institut, Beograd, 1996)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Bikić, Vesna
AU  - Ivanišević, Vujadin
PY  - 1996
UR  - http://rai.ai.ac.rs/handle/123456789/25
AB  - This work represents an integration of all previous results of excavation around Medieval South gate, encompassing a space between the Sahat (Clock) Gate and the Tower V, i.e., a part of the Upper town platform which may be observed as a micro unit. Summing up the results of archaeological excavations provided a possibility of complete analysis of the settlement establishment, as well as its further development followed by fortifying of the Upper town. Also, data on original configuration of the terrain are obtained, furnishing an interpretation of deposition process in this space. All this has significantly contributed to understanding of this important segment of the Fortress: the change in its appearance and settlement process in the course of long period since prehistory until modern times. Therefore the space around South gate has been observed over six culture horizons beginning with prehistory until the end of XVII century, i.e. 1688, when the Belgrade fortress has forever lost its Medieval appearance. The last stage covering a period between the end of XVII century until the end of XVIII century when this space has been finally modified, was studied only in relation to the construction of new fortification bastions, as the archaeological layers are not very significant for this epoch. Archaeological excavations of space around South gate represent only a small segment of the large research project, which will furthermore expand to the other parts of Upper town. The results represented here largely correspond to data obtained at other explored parts of the Upper town platform.
PB  - Arheološki institut, Beograd
T2  - Starinar
T1  - Prostor oko južne kapije Gornjeg grada Beogradske tvrđave
T1  - South gate area in the Upper town of Belgrade fortress
EP  - 271
IS  - 47
SP  - 253
UR  - conv_144
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Bikić, Vesna and Ivanišević, Vujadin",
year = "1996",
abstract = "This work represents an integration of all previous results of excavation around Medieval South gate, encompassing a space between the Sahat (Clock) Gate and the Tower V, i.e., a part of the Upper town platform which may be observed as a micro unit. Summing up the results of archaeological excavations provided a possibility of complete analysis of the settlement establishment, as well as its further development followed by fortifying of the Upper town. Also, data on original configuration of the terrain are obtained, furnishing an interpretation of deposition process in this space. All this has significantly contributed to understanding of this important segment of the Fortress: the change in its appearance and settlement process in the course of long period since prehistory until modern times. Therefore the space around South gate has been observed over six culture horizons beginning with prehistory until the end of XVII century, i.e. 1688, when the Belgrade fortress has forever lost its Medieval appearance. The last stage covering a period between the end of XVII century until the end of XVIII century when this space has been finally modified, was studied only in relation to the construction of new fortification bastions, as the archaeological layers are not very significant for this epoch. Archaeological excavations of space around South gate represent only a small segment of the large research project, which will furthermore expand to the other parts of Upper town. The results represented here largely correspond to data obtained at other explored parts of the Upper town platform.",
publisher = "Arheološki institut, Beograd",
journal = "Starinar",
title = "Prostor oko južne kapije Gornjeg grada Beogradske tvrđave, South gate area in the Upper town of Belgrade fortress",
pages = "271-253",
number = "47",
url = "conv_144"
}
Bikić, V.,& Ivanišević, V.. (1996). Prostor oko južne kapije Gornjeg grada Beogradske tvrđave. in Starinar
Arheološki institut, Beograd.(47), 253-271.
conv_144
Bikić V, Ivanišević V. Prostor oko južne kapije Gornjeg grada Beogradske tvrđave. in Starinar. 1996;(47):253-271.
conv_144 .
Bikić, Vesna, Ivanišević, Vujadin, "Prostor oko južne kapije Gornjeg grada Beogradske tvrđave" in Starinar, no. 47 (1996):253-271,
conv_144 .